Adding to the Newspaper Collection: Munson's Hill & Bailey's Crossroads in 1861

As frequent readers know, I am an avid collector of antique Civil War-era newspapers.  I often search for editions containing wartime scenes from across Northern Virginia and Washington.  Not too long ago I spotted a September 30, 1861 edition of the New York Illustrated News on eBay.  I was immediately drawn to the full-page engraving of Bailey's Crossroads and Munson's Hill.*  I am familiar with other period illustrations of these landmarks from Harper's Weekly, but I had never seen this particular engraving from the lesser-known Illustrated News.


New York Illustrated News, Sept. 30, 1861.  The cover illustration shows Federal vessels driving back an iron-plated Confederate steamer at Newport News, Virginia.  I purchased the paper from eBay dealer lindastevea.

I've written extensively about both Munson's Hill and Bailey's Crossroads.  (See here and here.)   In August 1861, Confederates under James Longstreet pushed the Confederate lines in Northern Virginia closer to Washington.  The advanced position stretched beyond Falls Church to Munson's Hill and other locations.  The Confederates erected earthworks at the top of Munson's Hill, where they could see the unfinished Capitol dome in the distance.  The Union Army moved towards Bailey's Crossroads, not far down the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's Rt. 7) from Munson's Hill.  The picket war in and around Bailey's became quite heated at times.  Recognizing the vulnerability of the advanced line, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston finally withdrew his forces from Munson's Hill at the end of September 1861.

"Munson's Hill, as Seen from Bailey's Cross Roads."  Union forces seized Munson's Hill on September 28, 1861.  Given the date of publication (Sept. 30, 1861), it is likely that this engraving was sketched during the time of the Confederate occupation and only printed after the evacuation.

The engraving depicts Bailey's Crossroads looking northwest up the Leesburg Turnpike towards the Confederate earthworks on Munson's Hill.  The Columbia Turnpike runs perpendicular to the Leesburg Turnpike.  A Union picket stands to the right of the picture, while two soldiers survey the Rebel position in the distance.  The sketch artist was B.C. Kidder of the 2nd Michigan.  Incidentally, pickets from this regiment clashed with Confederate infantry around Bailey's Crossroads at the end of August and start of September 1861.  (See here.) 

Close-up of the engraving showing the Confederate earthworks at the top of Munson's Hill.  The Confederate flag flying above Munson's Hill was visible all the way from Washington.  The "News and Notes" section of the Illustrated News reported: "A young lady residing in the upper part of Georgetown has just received a letter from her brother in the Rebel army, in which he states that from his post, near Munson's Hill, he can see the lights of his own home every night. . . . He had made great exertions to accompany the advance guard, in order that he might be among the first to enter the Capital, and rejoin his family at the earliest moment."

Today the same ground, covered with strip malls, chain restaurants, and residential development, bears little resemblance to the area during the Civil War.  (See here for a contemporary map.)  The engraving from the New York York Illustrated News takes us to a different time, beyond the traffic congestion and big box stores.  Such old newspaper images bring the past alive and remind us of how Northern Virginia once sat in the middle of a war zone. 

Note

*At the time of the Civil War, the location was spelled "Bailey's Cross Roads."

A Trip to Antietam for the 150th Anniversary

Today marks the 150th anniversary of Antietam.  A whirlwind of activity has surrounded the Sesquicentennial commemoration of America's bloodiest day.  I wanted to make it to Antietam National Battlefield this morning, but other obligations got in the way.  That being said, I was fortunate to spend my entire Saturday immersed in 150th events on and near the battlefield.  The day was even more special because my Father joined me.  It was only four years ago that he was gravely ill and unable to travel to my bachelor party outing to Antietam.

My Dad and I left early on Saturday and drove straight to the 150th reenactment of Antietam.  We made good time, until we reached the two-lane country road leading to the farm where the event was being held.  For whatever reason, traffic management left a lot to be desired, and we sat in line for close to thirty minutes before finally entering the site and parking.  Even with the long wait, we had enough time prior to the reenactment to wander through sutler's row and tour the encampments.  The weather was pleasant and cool, a far cry from the high temperatures and humidity of last summer's Manassas events.

I had the opportunity to see and hear the 2nd South Carolina String Band before the reenactment.  Their performance of Bonnie Blue Flag was a highlight of the event.

The battle reenactment that I attended focused on Union Gen. George S. Greene's fight to take the area around the Dunker Church.  (Bloody Lane and Burnside Bridge were reenacted at other times over the weekend.)  This event paled in size when compared to the reenactment of First Manassas last year.  Those who witnessed that large-scale reenactment may never be able to look at another one the same way again.  I pondered why this event was smaller.  Perhaps nothing could match the draw of participating in the first major reenactment of the Sesquicentennial.  Or maybe the scheduling of another Antietam reenactment a few weeks before had something to do with it.  Regardless, the Antietam reenactors put on a solid performance, and the artillery demonstration was particularly impressive.  Before long, however, I found myself growing restless to walk the actual ground where the armies clashed, and after another stop at the Civil War "shopping mall" that is sutler's row, we headed down the road to the National Battlefield.

Not everything was faithful to the time period.  These artillery reenactors moved their pieces into position using pick up trucks....

....although some did it the old-fashioned way!

Union regiments on the way to the field.  Unfortunately, the massive power lines overhead provided another reminder of modern times.

Union troops stream past Dunker Church in the distance.  The event organizers constructed a half-size replica of the historic structure for the reenactment.

Union and Confederates battle around Dunker Church and the West Woods.  At this point, the numbers of "dead" and "wounded" were starting to accumulate on the field, but of course, nothing could ever recapture the true carnage of Antietam. 

The National Battlefield seemed even more crowded than the reenactment.  We had to park close to a mile from the Visitor Center, where the National Park Service had set up various displays and living history demonstrations.  I was truly overwhelmed by the multitude of activities available to us throughout the park, but given time constraints, we had to choose wisely.  

After a brief lunch, my Dad and I checked out the detailed paintings of the battle by James Hope in the Visitor Center.  We then stepped inside the real Dunker Church to listen to a lecture on divided Maryland during the Civil War.  Although I was familiar with much of the story, the Park Ranger was an incredible speaker and managed to capture perfectly the complexity of slavery and loyalties in the Old Line State.  As I listened to his speech, artillery fire cause the wooden floor beneath my feet to vibrate, and carried me, however briefly, back to the day of the fight.

Union reenactors file past the Dunker Church after finishing a living history demonstration near the Visitor Center.

My Dad and I decided to do a quick tour of the battlefield.  I've visited Antietam several times before, and I took my first trip there as as a young lad of twelve.  This past Saturday I wanted to visit the hallowed ground once again and just reflect on the meaning of the place.  I will get back for more detailed tours in the future, but this was about "being there" and commemorating a meaningful anniversary with thousands of other Americans.   

We hit all the main stops, including the North Woods, the Cornfield, Bloody Lane, and Burnside Bridge.  We also visited the Pry House, site of Gen. George McClellan's headquarters.  My Dad and I opted to drive rather than take the Park Service shuttle buses.  Good thing.  The long lines at shuttle stops and the scarcity of buses reassured us that driving was likely the better choice. 

The Cornfield, site of intensely brutal fighting on the morning of September 17. 

Confederate infantry demonstration at Bloody Lane.  The National Park Service scheduled several living history events throughout the battlefield.

As always, the tour of the battlefield was a powerful experience.  There is something about that place. I really feel connected to the past when I am there, and this time was no different.  I can't help but tear up when I look at the hills and fields at Antietam.   I am sure others have similar emotions.  Even with all the crowds, I could still sense a cathedral-like quiet as I walked around.

A reproduction of a Civil War ambulance at the Pry House.  The Pry Barn (behind the ambulance) served as a field hospital at Antietam, primarily for the Second Corps of the Army of the Potomac.  The National Museum of Civil War Medicine now runs a Field Hospital Museum at the site.

A living historian portraying an "embalming surgeon."  Now I've seen it all.  For the 150th anniversary, the Pry House also hosted several living history demonstrations related to Civil War field medicine.  My Dad even extracted a Minie ball from a "leg" inside the Pry Barn--I will spare readers the picture!

Through a stroke of luck, I arrived at Burnside Bridge just as Park Ranger and fellow blogger Mannie Gentile began an overview lecture on the action occurring at the site.  Mannie's presentation was both insightful and stirring.  I don't think I've ever seen such a captivated audience listening to a Park Ranger.  The National Park Service lectures that I heard on Saturday featured slavery and fight for emancipation as a prominent part of the story.

Looking down at Burnside Bridge over Antietam Creek.  Gen. Ambrose Burnside's men eventually pushed across the bridge when Confederate resistance began to weaken.

After our rapid-fire tour of the battlefield, my Dad and I began our trek back to the DC suburbs.  I reflected on the day.  Americans have chosen to remember Antietam in a variety of ways, from reenactments and living history demonstrations to battlefield tours and lectures.  Not all commemorative activities have equal appeal to all people. But I couldn't help but feel moved that whatever our means of remembering the past, we as a nation haven't forgotten the important sacrifices made outside Sharpsburg after 150 years.

The Chain Bridge Defenses During the Maryland Campaign, Part III: Sigel Stays Put and Stands Guard

In the last couple of posts, I've followed the story of the Chain Bridge defenses around Washington in the days prior to Antietam.  During the first week of September 1862, Franz Sigel led his corps from Fairfax Court House to the vicinity of Ft. Ethan Allen.  As Gen. George McClellan moved his army across the Potomac to chase down the Robert E. Lee, he left Sigel's men, along with the corps of Fitz John Porter and Samuel P. Heintzelman, to guard the Virginia side of the river in front of the nation's capital.  By September 7, Sigel's line stretched from Ft. Marcy and Ft. Ethan Allen, near Chain Bridge, to Ft. DeKalb in present-day Arlington.

McClellan Tries to Extract Sigel and Other Reinforcements from Washington's Defenses

Before long, McClellan was asking Washington to send him reinforcements, including men from Sigel's corps and the other commands around the capital.  Generally inclined to overestimate Confederate troop strength, Little Mac was no different this time around.  He believed that Lee had "not less than 120,000 men" near Frederick, Maryland. (OR, 1:19:2, 254.)  In fact, the Army of the Potomac had around a two-to-one advantage over Lee.  (Sears, Landscape, 102.)

On September 10, McClellan wrote to General-in-Chief Henry Halleck:

At the time this army moved from Washington, it was not known what the intentions of the rebels were in placing their forces on this side of the Potomac. It might have been a feint to draw away our troops from Washington, for the purpose of throwing their main army into the city as soon as we were out of the way, or it might have been supposed to be precisely what they are now doing. In view of this uncertain condition of things, I left what I conceived to be a sufficient force to defend the city against any army they could bring against it from the Virginia side of the Potomac.  (OR, 1:19:2, 254.)*

McClellan, however, felt that "[t]his uncertainty . . . exists no longer."  (OR, 1:19:2, 254.)  The immediate danger to the capital had passed.  McClellan informed Halleck of the overwhelming number of Confederates at Frederick and warned that "if we should be defeated the consequences to the country would be disastrous in the extreme."   (OR, 1:19:2, 254.)  Little Mac pleaded for Halleck to send him more men:

Under these circumstances, I would recommend that one or two of the three army corps now on the Potomac, opposite Washington, be at once withdrawn and sent to re-enforce this army . . . . (OR, 1:19:2, 254.) 

The commander perceived little threat to Washington:

If there are any rebel forces remaining on the other side of the Potomac, they must be so few that the troops left in the forts, after the two corps shall have been withdrawn, will be sufficient to check them; and, with the large cavalry force now on that side kept well out in front to give warning of the distant approach of any very large army, a part of this army might be sent back within the entrenchments to assist in repelling an attack.  (OR, 1:19:2, 254.) 

McClellan seemed almost nonchalant about the possible capture of the nation's capital:

But even if Washington should be taken while these armies are confronting each other, this would not, in my judgment, bear comparison with the ruin and disaster which would follow a signal defeat of this army.  If we should be successful in conquering the gigantic rebel army before us, we would have no difficulty in recovering it. On the other hand, should their force prove sufficiently powerful to defeat us, would all the forces now around Washington be sufficient to prevent such a victorious army from carrying the works on this side of the Potomac, after they are uncovered by our army? I think not.  (OR, 1:19:2, 254-55.)** 

From his headquarters near Rockville on September 11, McClellan further urged Halleck:

Please send forward all the troops you can spare from Washington, particularly Porter's, Heintzelman's, Sigel's, and all the other old troops. Please send them to Brookville, via Leesborough.  (OR, 1:19:2, 253.)***

President Lincoln himself responded to McClellan's plea for additional soldiers from the defenses of Washington.  (OR, 1:19:2, 253.)  The President understood that the new recruits streaming into Washington were mixed with the three commands and worried that "[i]f Porter, Heintzelman, and Sigel were sent you, it would sweep everything from the other side of the river. . . ." (OR, 1:19:2, 253.)  Instead, he released only the remainder of Porter's Fifth Corps, which was ordered to cross the Potomac and join the Army of the Potomac in the field.  (OR, 1:19:2, 253, 255.)  Lincoln held out the possibility of future reinforcements: 

I am for sending you all than can be spared, and I hope others can follow Porter very soon.  (OR, 1:19:2, 254.)

In the end, however, Sigel's men would stay put near the Chain Bridge defenses while the Army of the Potomac tracked down and fought Lee.

"General McClellan Entering the Town of Frederick, Maryland--The Popular Welcome," Harper's Weekly, Oct. 4, 1862 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).

Sigel's Corps and Everyday Life in Front of Washington

During the Maryland Campaign, Sigel's corps underwent a few organizational changes.  Once McClellan took to the field with the main army, Sigel reported to Gen. Nathaniel Banks, whom McClellan had placed in overall command of Washington's defenses. (OR, 1:19:2, 202, 214.)  Under General Orders No. 129, dated September 12, the War Department officially re-designated the three corps of the former Army of Virginia, and Sigel's First Corps became the Eleventh Corps of the Army of the Potomac.  (OR, 1:19:2, 279.) 

As McClellan battled Lee at South Mountain and Antietam, Sigel's men dealt with the mundane routine of camp life.  Soldiers spent the days drilling or on picket duty.  One regiment, the 27th Pennsylvania, changed camps around Chain Bridge several times throughout September and performed picket duty in Falls Church, a few miles in advance of the defensive line.  Gen. Robert Milroy, a brigade commander in Sigel's corps, used his free time to venture into Washington City and sit for his photograph at Mathew Brady's studio.

Not surprisingly, the presence of thousands of Union soldiers from Sigel's corps had an impact on the surrounding community.  Jospeh Sewell lived in Langley, just down the road from Forts Marcy and Ethan Allen where Sigel's men stood guard.  The farmer, like other locals, was no stranger to the Union Army.  Soldiers from Gen. "Baldy" Smith's division lived on and around Sewell's farm during the first winter of the war and had taken their fair share of crops and timber from him.  In September 1862, troops from Milroy's brigade entered Sewell's property and seized thirty barrels of corn.  They also took around three acres of garden vegetables and potatoes.****  Other civilians in the area likely experienced similar losses at the hands of the Union defenders.

Gen. Robert Milroy, from the Brady National Photographic Art Gallery (courtesy of Library of Congress).  Not long after sitting for his photograph, Milroy was sent with his brigade to western Virginia.

After Antietam: Sigel Advances to Centreville and Fairfax Court House 

As the Maryland Campaign drew to a close, Sigel's men were moved forward from the defenses near Washington.  Concerned about a possible Confederate attempt to reoccupy the railroad junction of Manassas, Banks ordered Sigel to send Gen. Julius Stahel's division to Centreville on September 21.  (OR, 1:19:2, 340-41, 344-45, 351.)   A few days later, on September 25, the remainder of Sigel's corps was dispatched to Fairfax Court House to cover an expedition being made to recapture several railroad engines at Bristoe.  (OR, 1:19:2, 356, 359.)  Banks, anxious about Confederate intentions, ordered that Sigel exercise "[g]reat caution. . . to prevent surprise," keep the cavalry "well to the front and on the alert," and "report frequently the state of affairs."  (OR, 1:19:2, 356.)

Banks originally intended to have Sigel's corps "fall back to its former position" following the expedition.  (OR, 1:19:2, 359.)   Sigel's men, however, remained in and around Fairfax Court House and Centreville to act as a "corps of observation."  (OR, 1:19:2, 425, 428.)  In this new role, Sigel kept an eye on Confederate activity in Northern Virginia, but Banks made sure to tell Sigel that "if menaced by a superior force of the enemy," he was "to fall back to the lines of defense."  (OR, 1:19:2, 425.)

The Eleventh Corps eventually ended up in Stafford Court House for the winter.  Although the soldiers missed the bloody encounter at Antietam, as well as the slaughter at Fredericksburg in December, they would go on to experience their fair share of brutal combat during the remainder of the war.  The soldiers of the Eleventh Corps became a scapegoat for the Union defeat at Chancellorsville, where they earned the derisive nickname of the "Flying Dutchmen."  Their reputation also suffered at Gettysburg.  During the tense days of September 1862, however, the corps served a necessary, yet unheralded role, in guarding the nation's capital as McClellan confronted Lee.

Notes

*Stephen Sears demonstrates that this correspondence was likely sent on September 10, even though the OR indicates that it was sent the next day.  (Sears, McClellan Correspondence, 446.)

**In correspondence dated September 13, Halleck rebuked McClellan:  "[Y]ou attach too little importance to the capital. I assure you that you are wrong. The capture of this place will throw us back six months, if it should not destroy us. Beware of the evils I now point out to you. You saw them when here, but you seem to forget them in the distance. No more troops can be sent from here till we have fresh arrivals from the North."  (OR, 1:19:2, 280-81.)

*** Earlier on September 11, Halleck had even suggested to McClellan that he send forward either Sigel's or Porter's corps when another division that Little Mac had requested was unavailable. As Halleck said, "Why not order forward Porter's corps, or Sigel's?  If the main force of the enemy is in your front, more troops can be spared from here." (OR, 1:19:2, 253.)

****The Southern Claims Commission files indicate that Sewell was not granted compensation for the claims he made concerning the taking of this property by Milroy's men.  The Commission considered that the $150 claim for corn rested solely on Sewell's testimony.  The $300 claim for garden vegetables and potatoes was considered a "depredation."

Sources

Aside from the citations to the Official Records above, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

Samuel P. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-1865, Vol. I (1869); Stephen D. Engle, Yankee Dutchman: The Life of Franz Sigel (1993); Bradley Gottfried, The Maps of Antietam (2012); Charles V. Mauro, The Civil War in Fairfax County: Civilians and Soldiers (2006); Johnathan A. Noyalas, "My Will is Absolute Law": A Biography of Union General Robert H. Milroy (2006); Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, Sept. 29, 1862; Stephen W. Sears (ed.), The Civil War Papers of George B. McClellan: Selected Correspondence, 1860-1865 (1989); Stephen W. Sears, Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam (1983); Southern Claims Commission File of Joseph Sewell, available at fold3.com.

The Chain Bridge Defenses During the Maryland Campaign, Part II: Sigel Adjusts His Line While the Confederates Demonstrate at Pimmit Run

Last week I examined the withdrawal of John Pope's defeated Union force following Second Manassas.  Franz Sigel's First Corps of the Army of Virginia, along with the corps of Edwin V. Sumner and Fitz John Porter, moved from Fairfax Court House to Langley.  By September 3, 1862, Sigel's men occupied the ground closest to the strategic crossing at Chain Bridge.  Porter sat not far away, around Hall's Hill, while Sumner crossed the Potomac and took up a position at Tennallytown.

As Gen. George B. McClellan divined Robert E. Lee's next move, he sent instructions through his chief of staff, Randolph B. Marcy, to ensure the adequate safeguarding of Washington's defenses.  On the morning of September 4, Sigel was told to "draw in the main line of his forces. . . so as to run from Ft. Ethan Allen toward [Porter's] right."  (OR, 1:51:1, 789.)  This shift would shorten Sigel's line and close any gaps between the two corps.  (OR, 1:51:1, 785, 789.)  

That same day, a small fight erupted about a half a dozen miles from Sigel's force near Chain Bridge.  As Lee prepared his army to invade Maryland by crossing the Potomac near Leesburg, Confederate cavalry was ordered to make a demonstration in front of the Federal lines near Washington.  On the morning of September 4,  Gen. Beverly Robertson led the 7th and 12th Virginia Cavalry and three guns from Capt. R. Preston Chew's horse artillery down the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike towards Falls Church.  Between Vienna and Lewinsville, the Confederates ran into Union pickets from Gen. Alfred Pleasonton's cavalry command and drove them back "after a brisk skirmish."  (OR, 1:19:1, 828.)  Robertson sent one gun and part of his cavalry to a point "near Lewinsville to prevent surprise" and proceeded with the rest of his force to a hill above Pimmit Run along the pike.  (OR, 1:19:1, 828; see also OR, 1:19:2, 176.)*  Two of Chew's guns opened on the Union troops, and the Federals soon returned fire with two guns of their own.  Around six that evening, Marcy alerted Sigel to the attack and cautioned him:

Your pickets should be on the alert, and your command at once drawn into the new position indicated to you this morning.  (OR, 1:51:1, 785.) 

Robertson's fight with the Union troops lasted until about sundown, when the Confederates spotted several regiments advancing from the direction of Falls Church.  Robertson deemed "the object of the reconnaissance. . . fully accomplished" and withdrew his men "at dark."  (OR, 1:19:1, 828; see also OR, 1:19:1, 814; OR, 1:19:2, 176-78; Harsh 67.)  Pleasonton dismissed the action as a mere "show of force to conceal [Lee's] movements on the Upper Potomac," and McClellan agreed.  (OR, 1:19:2, 178; OR, 1:51:1, 785.)

Gen. Beverly Robertson (courtesy of Wikipedia).  The cavalry commander had few fans among the top brass of the Army of Northern Virginia and was transferred to North Carolina soon after the skirmish of September 4.

Armed with intelligence on Lee's intentions, McClellan set his army in motion to pursue the Confederates in Maryland.  His entire force, however, would not go with him.  The Lincoln Administration wanted assurances that Washington would remain sufficiently protected.  For the time being, Sigel's corps would have the chief responsibility for guarding the key approaches to Chain Bridge. 

Late on the afternoon of September 6, Marcy sent an order to Sigel at Ft. Ethan Allen:

The commanding general directs that you at once place your corps in position to occupy the line extending from Forts Marcy and Ethan Allen to the vicinity of Fort De Kalb. General F. J. Porter's corps will occupy the line from Fort De Kalb to Hunting Creek, and General [Samuel P.] Heintzelman the line from Hunting Creek to the river below Fort Lyon. . . .  You will please post your pickets well out so as to give timely information of the approach of the enemy.** (OR, 1:51:793.)

Marcy emphasized in a postscript: "Forts Marcy and Ethan Allen will be intrusted to your charge, and you will please connect your pickets with those of General Porter."  (OR, 1:51:1, 793.)  The admonishment about tightening the line likely stemmed from complaints by Porter, who a few days earlier had advised Marcy to send "a staff officer along our lines, to establish the picket lines and the proper connections between corps."  (OR, 1:19:2, 179.)  Not long after Marcy sent the order to Sigel, he reassured Porter that "General Sigel will hold the forts at the Chain Bridge and connect with you."  (OR, 1:51:1, 791.)

Detail from 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia showing the area of Sigel's line from Ft. Marcy and Ft. Ethan Allen near Chain Bridge to the vicinity of Ft. DeKalb (courtesy of Library of Congress).  For a modern view of the same area, see here.

That night, the area around Chain Bridge buzzed with activity.  McClellan ordered the Sixth Corps under Gen. William B. Franklin to cross the bridge and march to Rockville via Tennallytown.  (OR, 1:51:1, 793; OR, 1:19:1, 38.).   Gen. George Sykes's division from Porter's corps was likewise instructed to proceed to Tennallytown.  (OR, 1:51:1, 791; OR, 1:19:1, 38.)  As the day dawned on September 7, the bulk of McClellan's army sat across the Potomac from Virginia.  Little Mac was on the move, and Sigel's men may have started to wonder when their turn would come.

Notes

*This fight likely occurred near the current-day location of the Whole Foods supermarket along Leesburg Pike (Rt. 7)  (See here for a map). 

**Ft. Marcy and Ft. Ethan Allen guarded the immediate approaches to Chain Bridge on the Virginia side of the Potomac above Georgetown.  For more on the two forts, see here and here.  Ft. DeKalb sat near current-day US-29 (Lee Highway) between N. Adams and N. Vance Streets in Arlington, Virginia.  It was later renamed Ft. Strong.  Hunting Creek is a tributary stream of the Potomac located to the south of Alexandria, Virginia near the present-day Woodrow Wilson Bridge.   Ft. Lyon was located beyond Hunting Creek to the southwest of Alexandria.  For a complete map of the defenses of Washington from the OR, see here.

Sources

Aside from the citations to the Official Records above, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

Samuel P. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-1865, Vol. I (1869); Benjamin Franklin Cooling III & Walton H. Owen II, Mr. Lincoln's Forts: A Guide to the Civil War Defenses of Washington (2010 ed.); Stephen D. Engle, Yankee Dutchman: The Life of Franz Sigel (1993); Bradley Gottfried, The Maps of Antietam (2012); Joseph L. Harsh, Taken at the Flood: Robert E. Lee & Confederate Strategy in the Maryland Campaign of 1862 (1999); George Michael Neese, Three Years in the Confederate Horse Artillery (1911); Stephen W. Sears, Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam (1983).