A Visit to President Lincoln's Cottage

My birthday falls a couple days after Christmas, so I usually have the fortune of being on vacation then and can take full advantage of the day off.  This year, I had intended to tour Ball's Bluff out near Leesburg.  Unfortunately, the forecast called for torrential downpours, and I had no desire to tromp around the battlefield in the rain and mud.  This trip would have to wait until clearer skies.  Instead, I decided on a visit to President Lincoln's Cottage in northwest DC.  My father-in-law, also known as "the Colonel," accompanied me on the outing.

The Gothic Revival style cottage, part of the Soliders' Home, served as Lincoln's residence from June to November 1862-1864.  Think of it as a Civil War-era Camp David.  The cottage was built by Washington banker George Riggs in 1842.  The National Trust for Historic Preservation spent $15 million restoring the home, which opened to the public in 2008.  The historic property is located on the campus of the current-day Armed Forces Retirement Home at the corner of Upshur St., N.W. and Rock Creek Church Rd., N.W.  The tour of the cottage requires a ticket, and advanced purchase is recommended.  I reserved our tickets on-line before going.

History of Lincoln's Cottage and the Soldiers' Home

The story of the Soldiers' Home dates to the antebellum era, when key military and political leaders pushed for the establishment of a residence for retired and disabled soldiers.  Gen. Winfield Scott, who was general-in-chief of the Union Army at the start of the Civil War, exacted a tribute of $150,000 from Mexico during the Mexican War and set aside $100,000 of this money for a soldiers' home.  Robert Anderson, future commander of the Federal garrison at Ft. Sumter, was also instrumental in the effort to provide for the nation's elderly and disabled soldiers.  Senator Jefferson Davis, who later became President of the Confederacy, was the primary mover on Capitol Hill.  He introduced legislation to create a "U.S. military asylum," which finally became law in March 1851.

North side of President Lincoln's Cottage.  A statue of Lincoln and his horse is located to the left of the photograph.

The government purchased the cottage and surrounding 256 acres from Riggs in 1851 for use as the Soldiers' Home.  Three additional buildings were constructed on the campus prior to the Civil War.  All four of these buildings survive today.  James Buchanan was the first President to reside at the Soldiers' Home.  (Incidentally, he stayed in a different cottage from Lincoln's.)  Located three miles from downtown Washington on the third highest point in the city, the Soldiers' Home offered a cool and tranquil getaway from the oppressive humidity and maddening bustle of the city.



Wartime view of the south side of the cottage from Mary Todd Lincoln's personal photo album (courtesy of National Park Service).  As Mrs. Lincoln told a friend in July 1862, "We are truly delighted with this retreat."



Current view of the south side of the cottage

Lincoln visited the Soldiers' Home not long after his inauguration, but the turbulent events of the first summer of the war got in the way of staying there in 1861.  The following year, Lincoln and his family took up residence in the cottage.  At the Soldiers' Home, Lincoln sought distractions from the stresses of everyday life, and often enjoyed reading, playing with his son Tad, and entertaining visitors.  The war, however, was never very far away, and Lincoln could not escape his presidential responsibilities for long.

Close-up view of the life-sized sculpture of Lincoln and his horse in front of the cottage's north side

Historical marker in front of the Lincoln statue pictured above

Each day, Lincoln commuted to the White House in the morning and returned later in the evening.  A cavalry escort accompanied Lincoln on his daily ride, but the President objected to such protection and was sometimes uncooperative with his security detail.  The 150th Pennsylvania Regiment, Co. K, served as a presidential guard and encamped on grounds of the Soldiers' Home when Lincoln resided there.  In July 1864, Lincoln and his family were evacuated from the Soldiers' Home as Confederate Gen. Jubal Early approached Ft. Stevens, about two miles from the cottage.  This precautionary measure still did not stop Lincoln from riding out to observe the ensuing battle.

Lincoln took advantage of his time at the Soldiers' Home to reflect on the issues facing the nation, including the momentous policy of emancipation.  Lincoln likely worked on revisions to the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation at the cottage over the course of the summer of 1862.  The President also held meetings at the cottage to discuss military affairs, including the removal of Gen. George B. McClellan from command.  The President apparently visited the Soliders' Home for one last time on April 13, 1865, just one day before he was assassinated at Ford's Theatre.

Tour of Lincoln's Cottage

The Colonel and I started our tour of the cottage at the Visitor Education Center, which features four informative permanent exhibits covering the history of the Soldiers' Home, Lincoln as commander-in-chief, wartime Washington, and the Lincoln family at the Soldiers' Home.  Not surprisingly, the display on Lincoln's presidency places a heavy emphasis on emancipation, and the exhibits do a thorough job of walking visitors through the entire story of emancipation, including such topics as contraband, the First and Second Confiscation Acts, and the 13th Amendment.  This effort at public education goes beyond the simplistic "Lincoln freed the slaves" story that so many tourists likely learned in school.

Visitor Education Center, located across from President Lincoln's Cottage.  (Photography is prohibited inside the Visitor Education Center and Lincoln's Cottage, so I was unable to get interior shots.)

As an enthusiast of local history, I was also pleased to discover a temporary exhibit on historic prints of the nation's capital during the Civil War.  The maps and engravings offer visitors a way to visualize what Washington was like at the time of Lincoln's presidency.  (This exhibit only runs through January 15, 2012, but the National Trust should consider making it permanent.)  We did not have time to stop by "Lincoln's Toughest Decisions Gallery," which allows visitors to interact with digital letters and other documents to decide how they would have advised Lincoln as a member of his Cabinet.

After viewing a short audiovisual presentation at the Visitor Center, we headed to the cottage for our guided tour.  The building contains 34 rooms, but we saw only a fraction of them during the hour-long tour.  The National Trust has opted on a minimalist approach to furnishing, which leaves the visitor to reflect more on the spirit of the place than on historical trappings.  The guide tied the cottage into the larger picture of Lincoln's life and presidency, including his beliefs on equality of opportunity and slavery.  Once again, there was an emphasis on emancipation, and the guide even highlighted the role of U.S. Colored Troops in winning the war.  The National Trust also supplemented the tour with multimedia technology.  Unfortunately, on the day I was visiting, a glitch in a video projection distracted a bit from the flow of the tour, but overall the technology was well-integrated into the guide's narrative. 

As we left the cottage, I felt that I had come away with a better understanding of the place that the Soldiers' Home occupied in Lincoln's presidency.  The National Trust really has done the country a valuable service in preserving and interpreting this treasure for future generations.  Visitors to our nation's capital, as well as local residents, should not miss the opportunity to check out this historic site.

Sources and Additional Information

President Lincoln's Cottage maintains a website with an excellent overview of the history of the Soldiers' Home and Lincoln's time there.  Additional information, including hours of operation and directions, can also be found on the website.  Tickets for the tour can be purchased here.

Parking is located on the grounds of the Armed Forces Retirement Home, a welcome relief from the challenges of parking on DC city streets.

For additional information on Lincoln and the Soldiers' Home, check out these sources:
The Lincoln Institute, "Soldiers' Home," Mr. Lincoln's White House; National Park Service, "President Lincoln's Cottage at the Soldiers' Home," Discover our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary: American Presidents; National Park Service, "President Lincoln's Cottage: A Retreat," Teaching with Historic Places Lesson Plans; National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form, U.S. Soldiers' and Airmen's Home.

Battle of Vienna, June 17, 1861: An Overview

This upcoming Friday marks the 150th anniversary of the so-called "Battle of Vienna." This little-known encounter in Northern Virginia is now getting its fair share of attention, at least in the D.C. area.  The Town of Vienna will even be putting on a reenactment of the battle this Saturday, complete with a locomotive brought in from the Shenandoah Valley.  (More on the train a little later....)  There are some interesting angles to explore in connection with this early action in the Civil War, so I've decided to dedicate the entire week to the skirmish.

General Robert Schenck (courtesy of Library of Congress)

On June 17, 1861, Brigadier General Irvin McDowell, commander of the Union Department of Northeastern Virginia, ordered Brigadier General Robert Schenck to undertake a reconnaissance mission in the direction of Vienna.  Schenck selected the 1st Ohio, and set out with his troops on the Alexandria, Loudoun, and Hampshire Railroad.  At a wagon crossroads near Falls Church, he relieved the 69th New York with two companies.  He sent two other companies to patrol Falls Church, and dispatched an additional two companies to guard the railroad and bridge between the crossroads and Vienna.  With the remaining four companies of 271 men, Schenck proceeded slowly towards Vienna.  A locomotive pushed the train along the tracks.  Most of the soldiers sat on platform cars, while Schenck rode in a passenger car with Col. Alexander M. McCook, commander of the 1st Ohio.

Col. Maxcy Gregg (courtesy of Wikipedia)

The day before, Col. Maxcy Gregg, head of the 1st South Carolina, was ordered to conduct a reconnaissance towards the Potomac River.  He set out from camp near Fairfax Court House with about 575 soldiers and 70 cavalrymen.  At Frying Pan Church, Gregg met an additional 70 cavalry, as well as an artillery detachment of 34 men and two guns.  The force proceeded towards the Potomac, where on June 17 Gregg "went in person to the bank of the river to reconnoiter," but he "could see but few troops of the enemy, and no boats prepared for crossing the river." (Gregg Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 129.)   The Confederate troops began the long march back towards camp.  In Vienna, Gregg expected to see the enemy, who had recently sent an expedition to the area, but detecting no Federals, he ordered his men to proceed to Fairfax Court House.  At around 6 p.m., however, "a distant railroad whistle was heard." (Gregg Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 129.)  As Gregg wrote in his battle report:

I marched the troops back, placing the two 6-pounder guns on the hill commanding the bend of the railroad, immediately supported by Company B, First South Carolina Volunteers. . . . . The rest of the regiment . . . was formed on the crest of the hill to the right of the guns. The cavalry were drawn up still farther to the right. (Gregg Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 129.)

As the 1st Ohio turned the curve outside of Vienna, the Confederate battery opened fire with shot, shell, and grapeshot.  The first platform car was untouched, but the second and third cars received the deadliest fire.  The train encountered some mechanical difficulties, and the engineer could not pull the train out of range of the guns.  (By some accounts, the breaks had locked when the engineer slammed them at the outset of the attack.)  The soldiers, coming to the realization that they were sitting ducks, "left the cars, and retired to right and left of [the] train through the woods."  (Schenck Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p.126.)  Meanwhile, to Schenck's disgust and amazement, the engineer "instead of retiring slowly, as I ordered, detached his engine with one passenger car from the rest of the disabled train and abandoned us, running to Alexandria." (Schenck Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p.126.) Believing that his force was badly outnumbered by as many as 1,500 Confederates, Schenck threw skirmishers out along his flanks and retired towards Arlington.  Without the train, his men were forced to carry the wounded on litters or in blankets.

Fanciful sketch of the Battle of Vienna, from Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Gregg dispatched two companies to skirmish with the retiring Union soldiers, but seeing that they were slipping out of his grasp, he sent cavalrymen in pursuit.  As Gregg later recounted, "[f]rom the lateness of the hour, however, the nature of the ground, and the start which the enemy had, they could not be overtaken." (Gregg Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 129.)  He also may have been convinced that he was outnumbered by a larger Union force.  Under orders "to avoid any unnecessary engagement, and not to remain absent from my camp more than one night," Gregg marched his regiment back to Fairfax after burning the railroad cars that were abandoned in Vienna. (Gregg Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 129.)

A Unionist from Vienna eventually loaded six of the dead into his wagon and took them to Schenck's camp.  In all, Schenck reported eight dead and four wounded in the engagement.  The casualties came entirely from Companies G and H, which had been positioned on the second and third rail cars.

In the immediate aftermath of the skirmish, McDowell wanted to move in force upon Vienna.  As he wrote in his official report, "[h]ad the attack not been made, I would not suggest this advance at this time; but now that it has, I think it would not be well for us to seem even to withdraw."  (McDowell Report, OR, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 125.) General-in-Chief Winfield Scott, however, opposed the idea of sending more troops in the direction of the town.  He would soon recall Brigadier General Daniel Tyler from an advanced position at Falls Church, which Scott viewed as too exposed and vulnerable.

The news of the skirmish at Vienna spread across the North. The New York Times was particularly critical of the defeat, which followed closely on the heels of the Union loss at Big Bethel.  According to a June 20, 1861 article, a local man had flagged the train near Vienna and warned the 1st Ohio of an impending disaster, but Schenck did not halt the train or prepare his soldiers for an attack.  (Schenck makes no mention of this episode in his report.)  The Times also questioned the failure of the Union force to send scouts or skirmishers ahead of the train to ascertain any dangers.  As the Times wrote on June 19:

In the present case an entirely inadequate body of men was actually within the enemy's lines, in a railroad train, with no more careful exploration of the country than a traitorous engineer, or an accidental glance from a car-window, might furnish. . . .   Surely, the simplest knowledge of military matters must condemn so heedless a movement as to the last degree reckless and unscientific, and may fairly sit in judgment upon those who planned it. The entire policy of these detached and apparently purposeless expeditions is questionable. If they are understood to be what are technically known as reconnaissances in force, they should have force in the possession of flying-artillery, and dragoons. To enter upon doubtful territory, where the enemy may be in the greatest strength, without precaution, is simply foolhardiness.

Such reporting fed concerns about the preparedness of the Union volunteers camped around Washington.  As journalists dissected the action at Vienna, however, the Union high command was busy contemplating its next move.  

Note on Sources

The Battle at Bull Run by William C. Davis and The Glories of War: Small Battles and Early Heroes of 1861 by Charles P. Polland, Jr. contain fairly detailed accounts of the Battle of Vienna.

Scenes in Virginia at the Start of Occupation

Back in February, I purchased an original copy of the May 31, 1861 edition of the New York Semi-Weekly Tribune.  Given that the paper was published 150 years ago this past Tuesday, I decided to take a look and read the Tribune's coverage of events in and around Northern Virginia at the time.  The Union Army had just crossed the Potomac and occupied Arlington Heights and Alexandria the week before.  The paper contained numerous snapshots of life in the region during the early days of occupation.

By the end of May 1861, the war had already begun to disrupt everyday life in Northern Virginia.  Residents felt the sting of the gathering armies:

Accounts of outrages by Fairfax Secessionists continue coming. They rob farmers of sheep and cattle for camp supplies.

However, the Union troops were equally as capable of raiding local businesses:

An inhabitant of Fairfax Court-House, a Union man, escaped to-day from the rebel forces, by whom he had been held in custody, and brought information to Alexandria of the transportation of five wagon-loads of flour from a mill in the suburbs of the town to the rebel camp. Col. [Orlando] Wilcox sent out a detachment of volunteers . . . to take possession of the mill. This was done without difficulty, and a part of the flour was removed to our lines. The rest will come tomorrow.

The streets of Alexandria were filled with Union soldiers, who sometimes participated in patriotic demonstrations, but the locals were far from impressed:

This afternoon the band of the 5th Pennsylvania Regiment saluted [two men] of that State, who went down to look after the interests of the troops.  These gentlemen responded with strong Union and anti-Rebel speeches, from a prominent window in the principal street.  The citizens listened, but did not applaud.

The Tribune described abuse directed towards African-Americans as the occupation got underway in Alexandria:

The Mayor of Alexandria, a violent Secessionist, avenges his wounded dignity by maltreatment of the negroes.  A negro is slow to stepping aside at the Mayor's approach, and he is forthwith knocked down and afterwards arrested and whipped at the whipping-post. Other negroes have been whipped for listening to the evening music of the bands, in opposition to the Mayor's idea of what enjoyment is fit for them.

The Tribune does not indicate whether the Union Army attempted to put an end to these appalling practices that were inspired by the Mayor's apparent willingness to blame blacks for what had befallen his town. It also is not clear whether these blacks were slaves, or freedmen, or both.  (At the time of the 1860 Census, over 1,400 freed blacks resided in Alexandria County.)

Civil War-era photograph of African-American woman in front of old slave pen in Alexandria (courtesy of Library of Congress)

The Confederate forces in Northern Virginia put slaves to work:

It is said that with the 3,000 troops near Fairfax Court-House, there are 1,000 negroes, in the capacity of servants and laborers. Provisions are scarce, and the privation falls first upon the slaves.

And no, I saw no reports in the Tribune about black Confederate soldiers....

Mt. Vernon, c. 1860 (courtesy of Clements Library, University of Michigan)

George Washington's historic home at Mt. Vernon sat down the road from Alexandria.  The armies made sure that Mt. Vernon would get the respect it deserved from visiting soldiers:

It is interesting to know that Ms. Tracy [one of the Trustees of Mt. Vernon] has been assured by both Gen. [Winfield] Scott and Gen. [Robert E.] Lee that no troops from either side will be sent to the vicinity, and that not more than three soldiers at any one time, proceed to Mt. Vernon, and then never in uniform or with arms.

Rumors of impending attack also circulated in Alexandria.  The Tribune correspondent wrote:

I am told that notice has been sent from the Rebels to prominent Secessionists in Alexandria, to the effect that the women and children should be removed, as a large force was approaching to attack the town.  I still doubt that an attack will be made, or that any considerable battle will take place before the Federal forces approach Richmond.  But political expediency may override military prudence, and a starving mob may require a fight to keep up their spirits.

The correspondent was right, and the Confederates never attacked Alexandria.  Instead, the Union would make the first move in less than two months and strike at the Confederate force encamped near Manassas. 

Mansfield Eyes Virginia With Concern

As Virginia prepared for war, Col. Joseph K. Mansfield, Commander of the District of Washington, looked across the Potomac with worry.  Washington felt vulnerable to him, even with the arrival of thousands of Union volunteers from across the North.  Mansfield, a 58 year-old Army Regular, expressed his concern to General-in-Chief  Winfield Scott on May 3, 1861:

We now come to the city and Georgetown and arsenal, exposed to the Virginia shore. Here I must remark that the President's House and Department buildings in its vicinity are but two and a half miles across the river from Arlington high ground, where a battery of bombs and heavy guns, if established, could destroy the city with comparatively a small force after destroying the bridges. The Capitol is only three and a half miles from the same height at Arlington, and at the Aqueduct the summits of the heights on the opposite shore are not over one mile from Georgetown.

Joseph K. Mansfield (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Mansfield then made the following recommendation:

With this view of the condition of our position, it is clear to my mind that the city is liable to be bombarded at the will of an enemy, unless we occupy the ground which he certainly would occupy if he had any such intention. I therefore recommend that the heights above mentioned be seized and secured by at least two strong redoubts, one commanding the Long Bridge and the other the Aqueduct, and that a body of men be there encamped to sustain the redoubts and give battle to the enemy if necessary. I have engineers maturing plans and reconnoitering further. It is quite probable that our troops assembled at Arlington would create much excitement in Virginia, yet, at the same time, if the enemy were to occupy the ground there a greater excitement would take place on our side, and it might be necessary to fight a battle to disadvantage.

Mansfield was unsure of the optimal timing for the movement:

I know not exactly how many troops we have at command. I presume the enemy might bring 10,000 troops into the field in a short time on such an occasion. I would not urge any premature movement in this quarter, yet one taken too late might cause much bloodshed.

Although the Union Army did not act immediately on Mansfield's suggestion, an action-forcing event was fast approaching. In a little over two weeks, on May 23, Virginians would head to the polls to vote on the Ordinance of Secession.

McClellan's Reaction to Lewinsville: Looking for Victory Where You Can Find It

In light of Thursday's post on the Civil War history of McLean, I thought readers might be interested in General George McClellan's take on the first skirmish in Lewinsville, Virginia on September 11, 1861.  I recently came across this interesting telegram sent on the day of the battle by McClellan to President Lincoln, Secretary of War Simon Cameron, and General-in-Chief Winfield Scott:

Gen'l Smith made reconnaissance with two thousand men to Lewinsville, remained several hours & completed examination of the ground. When work was completed & the command had started back the enemy opened fire with shell, killing two men & wounding three.

Griffin's battery silenced the enemy's battery. 

Our men then came back in perfect order & excellent spirits.  They behaved most admirably under fire.

We shall have no more Bull Run affairs. 

Interesting how McClellan reacted to this small skirmish.  After the utter defeat of First Bull Run, it is not surprising that the commanding general was looking for any way to reassure himself and his superiors that the Army of Potomac was capable of something.  And the concluding line is classic -- a boastful promise to McClellan's bosses that he will not let them down.  Before long, he would be in trouble for moving too slowly.  As Lincoln once quipped, if McClellan wasn't going to use his army, he would like to borrow it for a time.  It's easy to have no more Bull Runs when you are paralyzed by inaction!