A Trip to Honor My Ancestor for the 150th of Third Winchester

On Saturday morning I eagerly got behind the wheel and drove an hour west to attend a special descendants' reception at the Old Court House Civil War Museum in Winchester, hosted by the Shenandoah Valley Battlefields Foundation (SVBF) on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of Third Winchester. This unique Sesquicentennial event, entitled "Don't Forget That I Did My Duty," brought together individuals whose ancestors had fought on both sides of the battle.

As readers may recall, I've written several times about Pvt. William Baumgarten, who served with Co. K, 102nd Pennsylvania throughout the bloody eastern campaigns of 1864. William was part of Phil Sheridan's Army of the Shenandoah and participated at Third Winchester, where he was wounded slightly in the left leg. A few days later, at Fisher's Hill, William was wounded again -- this time in the left hand.

Excerpt from the Pittsburgh Daily Gazette & Advertiser, Oct. 6, 1864, showing William Baumgarten among those soldiers of the 102nd Pennsylvania wounded at Third Winchester (courtesy of Vince of the Lancaster at War blog). William's last name is misspelled here, something with which I am all too familiar!

Before going to the reception, I decided to "retrace" the footsteps of William's unit. The 102nd Pennsylvania belonged to Frank Wheaton's brigade (1st), George Getty's division (2nd), of the VI Corps. Thanks to Craig Swain's legwork, I had a good idea of where the regiment advanced against Stephen Ramseur's Confederates. On the map below, Getty's division moved east to west across the land south of the Berryville Turnpike (VA-7), parallel to and along today's Valley Mill Rd. (CR-659).



Unfortunately, much of this part of the battlefield has been forever lost to residential development. I drove along Rt. 7 through the Berryville Canyon and turned down Greenwood Rd. (CR-656) onto Valley Mill Rd. In a general sense I followed the path of Getty's men, including the 102nd Pennsylvania, but couldn't really get much of a feel for the wartime appearance of the land. And the actual ground where the 102nd marched is likely somewhere among all those homes you see on the map. I wasn't going to risk trespass charges or dog bites to walk where William may have fought, so I had to remain satisfied with an overall tour of that area of the battlefield.

Looking south from Valley Mill Rd.  near VA-7 towards the general vicinity where the 102nd Pennsylvania and other units of Getty's division advanced. This view is one of the few that is less cluttered by modern development, although housetops are visible in the distance.

Following my battlefield "tour," I arrived at the Old Court House Civil War Museum, where I joined the growing crowd of descendants. Based on a show of hands at the start of the morning's program, Union and Confederate soldiers were represented in near equal numbers, and a few people even had ancestors who fought on both sides. Given the need to find a seat and keep it, I wasn't able to mingle as much as I wanted to. Nevertheless, I had an opportunity to meet two men whose family members had served with the 60th Virginia, as well as the descendant of a soldier from the 14th New Hampshire.

Kevin Walker, SVBF CEO, addresses descendants at the Old Court House Civil War Museum. Following the presentations, attendees were given free admittance to the museum's extensive collection of Civil War artifacts.

Kevin Walker, the CEO of the SVBF, kicked off the program. Calling us all "VIP guests," he observed that the descendants were "the closest thing we have" to the actual soldiers who participated in Third Winchester being there for the 150th. I looked around the room and was overcome by emotion. Here we were, a direct link through blood (or DNA, as one speaker put it) to those who had battled at Third Winchester. We all cared enough to take the time out of our busy lives to honor our distant family members who had sacrificed so much. And even though our ancestors may have shot at each other 150 years ago, today we all sat together in the same room, more alike than different, and all Americans.

A few other speakers also addressed the crowd. Gen. Duncan Campbell, SVBF Membership Ambassador, discussed his own family's ties to the battle. SVBF Chairman Emeritus Nicholas Picerno focused on the 29th Maine at Third Winchester. An avid collector of Civil War artifacts, he brought along some objects belonging to those who had participated in the battle. Picerno also told the story of the fight to preserve the Third Winchester battlefield. His group successfully saved the Middle Field, but developers beat them to most of the ground where the VI Corps was engaged.

Picerno had several of his artifacts on display, including this frock coat worn by Maj. William Knowlton of the 29th Maine, who was killed on the Middle Field at Third Winchester.

Following the program, the descendants posed for a formal group photograph on the Old Court House steps. We also broke into state groupings. These individuals all had ancestors who served with Virginia regiments. I had my picture taken with the Pennsylvania group, many of whom had ancestors with the 14th Pennsylvania Cavalry.

All attendees received this Third Winchester Reunion ribbon, intended to replicated the ribbons worn by veterans at their reunions after the war.

My participation in the descendant reception felt like a proper way to commemorate William Baumgarten's service during the battle and the war. However, I often had a sense that something was missing. I wanted to know William -- What did he sound like? What was his personality? Why did he fight? When and how was he wounded? What did he write to the folks back home? I also wondered what William would have thought about the event that attracted so many descendants of both sides. Would he have been honored to know that I was here, 150 years later, recalling his sacrifice? In the end, I can never know. But I left the reception satisfied that I was able to represent William and remember his part fighting for the Union and freedom at Third Winchester and elsewhere.

A Stinging Indictment of the Government Farms in Northern Virginia, July 1864

Earlier this summer I wrote about the state of Northern Virginia's contraband camps in Northern Virginia in June 1864. The Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen compiled a report on some of the camps that the Union Army had established on abandoned secessionist properties in the Old Dominion the previous year. The group took an overall positive view of developments on the government farms, although recognized the need for more improvements.

Not long afterwards, the War Department also decided to take a closer look at the farms, as well as the new contraband camp on Mason's Island and Freedman's Village on Robert E. Lee's Arlington estate. The department was footing the bill for the camps and surely wanted to assess the merits of the undertaking. On July 20, 1864, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton ordered officers working for the Union Army's Inspector General to conduct an investigation of  Freedman's Village and "all matters pertaining to the organization and control of the Freedmen in the Dept. of Washington." (in Berlin et al. 345.)

Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Majors Elisha H. Ludington and Charles E. Compton began the inspection in earnest. On July 30, 1864 they sent their final report to Col. James A. Hardie, the Army Inspector General. The report, which stood in stark contrast to the Friends' optimistic assessment, sent shock waves throughout the Union military. 

Ludington and Compton examined the five government farms in Northern Virginia, comprising some 1,270 acres under cultivation. [1] They noted that the land was "of poor, thin soil, for the most part." (340.) Moreover, "[w]hen occupied it was without fences and overgrown with bush," so that "it was necessary to clear and fence it, with heavy expenditure." (340.) The two assistant inspectors general observed some positive developments after a year of operation:

These Farms appear well, the crops are fair, the employees comfortably cared for, and in all respects the farms compare favorably with others in the vicinity. (340.)

Nevertheless, they determined that the farms exhibited "a loss to Government of an alarmingly large sum," which they calculated to be $69,000 over the course of 13 months. (340-41.) As Ludington and Compton interpreted the accounts:

The expense of the Guard alone amounts to three fourths of the whole receipts. For wages alone there is paid within 3000$ as much as all the farms yield. And yet the crop is put at the highest estimate in amount, and valued at present extraordinary prices. (341.)

The report sharply criticized the entire endeavor, concluding that "[o]nly a very wealthy government can afford such expensive toys." (341.) (emphasis added.)

Freedman's Village and Mason's Island did not fare any better in the inspectors' eyes. In fact, the inspectors found conditions so "disgraceful" on Mason's Island that they recommended that Rev. Danforth B. Nichols, Superintendent of Freedmen for the Department, be removed from his position for his alleged mismanagement of the new camp. (343.)

Even in terms of non-material benefits, Ludington and Compton had nothing positive to add about the Army's efforts:

We fail to discover any improvements in the character or conduct of the Adults. Judging from what we saw, they are of the most ignorant class of slaves. Few have knowledge of any labor above field labor, and are but little skilled even in that. Their erroneous idea that "emancipation" signifies a claim upon Government for support in idleness, has been confirmed rather than corrected. (342.)

The two inspectors singled out Lt. Col. Elias Greene's "theories" about the camps  for particular scorn. (342.) Greene, the Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington, was instrumental in the establishment and organization of the camps, and they were managed under his direction. The inspectors rejected outright his policy of refusing to bind out adult contrabands unless their children could accompany them:

This cannot be maintained on principles of humanity, for these people are seldom married -- have little idea of training children, and cannot hope to give them such advantages as are afforded by the Schools at the "Village." Moreover, the necessities of the times compel separations. . . . Nearly every women being burdened with children lessens the chances of her employment. (342-43.)

The inspectors' utter disregard for families seemed no better than the views held by the freedpersons' former masters.

Not surprisingly, Ludington and Compton called for an overhaul of the entire system. They recommended that most women be sent to work in "those portions of our Country where labor is greatly demanded, taking with them their children under 4 years of age." (343-44.) However, hearkening back to their views on separation of families, the inspectors advised that children from 4 to 14 should be held back, supported, and educated "out of the [government's] Contraband Fund." (344.) With respect to the government farms scattered across Northern Virginia, they urged that "all farming operations be discontinued as soon as the present crop is secured." (344.)

Col. James A. Hardie, Army Inspector General (courtesy of Wikipedia).

After landing on the Inspector General's desk, Hardie endorsed and forwarded the damning report to the Secretary of War. On August 4, Stanton sent the document to Quartermaster General Montgomery Meigs. The inspectors had challenged nearly all of Greene's efforts to deal with the contraband problem around the nation's capital, and coming days would bring both controversy and change.

Up Next

Meigs rushes to the defense of his subordinate.

Source

I am grateful to the historians of the Freedmen and Southern Society Project who compiled the primary source documents referenced here in Ira Berlin et al., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867, Selected from the Holdings of the National Archives of the United States, Series I, Volume II, The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South (1993).

Note

[1] The five contraband farms were likely Camps Beckwith, Rucker, Springdale, Todd, and Wadsworth.