The Pennsylvania Reserves in Northern Virginia 1863, Part I: What to Do with a "Decimated" Division?

This blog has frequently featured stories on the Pennsylvania Reserves.  The division, also known as the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps, was encamped around Langley, Virginia during the first winter of the war.  In spring 1862 the Reserves relocated to Alexandria before marching south to Falmouth.  They eventually joined the Army of the Potomac just in time for the Seven Days Battles on the Peninsula.  The Reserves also saw intense combat at Second Manassas, South Mountain, Antietam, and Fredericksburg.  As the bloody second year of the war drew to a close, the Union Army's high command debated the future of the battered division and finally decided to move the Reserves back to the Washington area.  In the next few posts, I will take a look at the return of the storied Pennsylvania Reserves to Northern Virginia. 

Even before the costly engagements at Antietam and Fredericksburg, brigade commander George G. Meade had begun to worry about the state of the Reserves.  The general wrote to his wife on September 4, 1862 that "[o]ur division, the Reserves, is pretty well used up, and ought, strictly speaking, to be withdrawn, reorganized, filled up with recruits, and put in efficient condition."   (Meade 308.)   Meade led the Reserves through the carnage at Antietam, where the division suffered causalities of around 20 percent. (OR, 1:19:1, 270-71.)  After the battle, Meade discussed the "decimated condition" of the division with George B. McClellan, head of the Army of the Potomac.  As he wrote to his wife:

I. . . told [McClellan] that I had no idea they would ever be filled up by recruiting officers, and the only course I saw to adopt was to send them in a body back to Pennsylvania, and ask the Governor and State to fill them up within a specified time; but if it could not be done, they were to be mustered out of service.  (Meade 315.)

Around the same time, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin attempted to enlist political support for the reorganization of the Reserves.  In a September 30 letter to President Abraham Lincoln, Curtin suggested that the heavily depleted division be returned temporarily to the Keystone State.  The governor explained to the President:

The brilliant history of the Reserve Corps in the war, and the State pride which has followed them since they entered the service, together with the circumstances surrounding their organization, would, I have no doubt, prove such incentives to enlistment that the Corps could be filled to the maximum in a short space of time. (in Sypher 398.) 

Lincoln forwarded Curtin's letter to General-in-Chief Henry W. Halleck and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton for consideration.  The General-in-Chief "entirely disapprov[ed] of withdrawing regiments in the field" for purposes of filling the ranks with new recruits.  (OR, 3:2, 625.)  Curtin also wrote to McClellan, who "thought favorably of the plan, but having immediate use for the troops, was unwilling to retire them at that time."  (Sypher 398; OR, 1:21, 878.)   The division would stay at the front for now.

Gen. George G. Meade (courtesy of Civil War Wiki.Net)

After the fight at Fredericksburg in December, Meade tried once again to deal with the poor condition of the Pennsylvania Reserves.  On December 23, he sent a report on the state of the unit to Gen. William B. Franklin, commander of the Left Grand Division.  As Meade told Franklin, only 195 officers and 4,249 enlisted men were present for duty.  Another 159 officers and 3,740 men were absent with permission.  Meade noted that "to fill these regiments to the maximum authorized, will require 153 officers and 4,864 men."  (OR, 1:21, 877-78.)   However, he cautioned that "of the number reported as absent, a very large proportion are the wounded, most of whom are so maimed and disabled that no expectation need be formed of their returning to active duty."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  Meade felt that in reality a reorganization of the Pennsylvania Reserves "required the appointment of over 200 officers and the enlistment of over 7,000 men."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)

The general proposed a course of action to revitalize the Reserves.  Recruiters had gone to Pennsylvania three different times to fill the ranks, but their efforts had met little success.  Meade recognized that the Army could "consolidate the existing force into a number of regiments equal to the officers and men for duty."  He disliked this plan, since it would "destroy[] the organization, and the prestige which the good conduct of the corps has acquired for it."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  Instead, Meade recommended that the Reserves be withdrawn temporarily from the field and sent to Pennsylvania for two or three months, "where, it is believed, from the great reputation the corps has acquired, the pride the State takes in it, and the enthusiasm its return would create, that in a short time its ranks would be filled, after pruning them of all useless members."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)

Gen. John F. Reynolds, head of the First Corps and a former commander of the Reserves, forwarded Meade's proposal to Franklin on January 10, 1863.  Reynolds "concur[red] most heartily" in Meade's recommendation to send the division back home to recover and recruit.  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  The next day, Franklin sent Meade's plan to Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, commander of the Army of the Potomac.  Complimenting the Reserves on their "excellent service," Franklin endorsed Meade's proposal.  (OR, 1:21, 878-79.)

Col. Horatio G. Sickel, who assumed command of the Pennsylvania Reserves upon Meade's promotion at the end of 1862, soon weighed in on the future of the division.  The colonel hoped to enlist Governor Curtin's support in reorganizing the Pennsylvania Reserves.  Sickel sent a copy of Meade's report to Curtin and got the desired response.  The governor readily took up his old cause and forwarded Sickel's correspondence to the War Department.  Secretary of War Stanton, however, had no appetite for Meade's proposal.  According to a history of the Reserves, the Secretary informed Curtin "that numerous similar applications were on file from other States, that all could not be granted without greatly reducing the strength of the army, and that therefore all must be refused."  (Sypher 436.)

The Pennsylvania Reserves had the misfortune of remaining at the front long enough to take part in Burnside's disastrous "Mud March."  But change was in the air by the end of January.  Joseph Hooker took command of the Army of the Potomac and worked with General-in-Chief Halleck to effect a transfer of the Pennsylvania Reserves. The division, however, was far from homeward bound.

Up Next: The Pennsylvania Reserves bid farewell to Hooker's army and board transports for Alexandria.

Sources

Aside from the Official Records, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

John H. Eicher & David J. Eicher, Civil War High Commands (2001); Joseph Gibbs, Three Years in the Bloody Eleventh: The Campaigns of a Pennsylvania Reserves Regiment (2002); George G. Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1 (1913); J.R. Sypher, History of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps (1865).

A Trip to Antietam for the 150th Anniversary

Today marks the 150th anniversary of Antietam.  A whirlwind of activity has surrounded the Sesquicentennial commemoration of America's bloodiest day.  I wanted to make it to Antietam National Battlefield this morning, but other obligations got in the way.  That being said, I was fortunate to spend my entire Saturday immersed in 150th events on and near the battlefield.  The day was even more special because my Father joined me.  It was only four years ago that he was gravely ill and unable to travel to my bachelor party outing to Antietam.

My Dad and I left early on Saturday and drove straight to the 150th reenactment of Antietam.  We made good time, until we reached the two-lane country road leading to the farm where the event was being held.  For whatever reason, traffic management left a lot to be desired, and we sat in line for close to thirty minutes before finally entering the site and parking.  Even with the long wait, we had enough time prior to the reenactment to wander through sutler's row and tour the encampments.  The weather was pleasant and cool, a far cry from the high temperatures and humidity of last summer's Manassas events.

I had the opportunity to see and hear the 2nd South Carolina String Band before the reenactment.  Their performance of Bonnie Blue Flag was a highlight of the event.

The battle reenactment that I attended focused on Union Gen. George S. Greene's fight to take the area around the Dunker Church.  (Bloody Lane and Burnside Bridge were reenacted at other times over the weekend.)  This event paled in size when compared to the reenactment of First Manassas last year.  Those who witnessed that large-scale reenactment may never be able to look at another one the same way again.  I pondered why this event was smaller.  Perhaps nothing could match the draw of participating in the first major reenactment of the Sesquicentennial.  Or maybe the scheduling of another Antietam reenactment a few weeks before had something to do with it.  Regardless, the Antietam reenactors put on a solid performance, and the artillery demonstration was particularly impressive.  Before long, however, I found myself growing restless to walk the actual ground where the armies clashed, and after another stop at the Civil War "shopping mall" that is sutler's row, we headed down the road to the National Battlefield.

Not everything was faithful to the time period.  These artillery reenactors moved their pieces into position using pick up trucks....

....although some did it the old-fashioned way!

Union regiments on the way to the field.  Unfortunately, the massive power lines overhead provided another reminder of modern times.

Union troops stream past Dunker Church in the distance.  The event organizers constructed a half-size replica of the historic structure for the reenactment.

Union and Confederates battle around Dunker Church and the West Woods.  At this point, the numbers of "dead" and "wounded" were starting to accumulate on the field, but of course, nothing could ever recapture the true carnage of Antietam. 

The National Battlefield seemed even more crowded than the reenactment.  We had to park close to a mile from the Visitor Center, where the National Park Service had set up various displays and living history demonstrations.  I was truly overwhelmed by the multitude of activities available to us throughout the park, but given time constraints, we had to choose wisely.  

After a brief lunch, my Dad and I checked out the detailed paintings of the battle by James Hope in the Visitor Center.  We then stepped inside the real Dunker Church to listen to a lecture on divided Maryland during the Civil War.  Although I was familiar with much of the story, the Park Ranger was an incredible speaker and managed to capture perfectly the complexity of slavery and loyalties in the Old Line State.  As I listened to his speech, artillery fire cause the wooden floor beneath my feet to vibrate, and carried me, however briefly, back to the day of the fight.

Union reenactors file past the Dunker Church after finishing a living history demonstration near the Visitor Center.

My Dad and I decided to do a quick tour of the battlefield.  I've visited Antietam several times before, and I took my first trip there as as a young lad of twelve.  This past Saturday I wanted to visit the hallowed ground once again and just reflect on the meaning of the place.  I will get back for more detailed tours in the future, but this was about "being there" and commemorating a meaningful anniversary with thousands of other Americans.   

We hit all the main stops, including the North Woods, the Cornfield, Bloody Lane, and Burnside Bridge.  We also visited the Pry House, site of Gen. George McClellan's headquarters.  My Dad and I opted to drive rather than take the Park Service shuttle buses.  Good thing.  The long lines at shuttle stops and the scarcity of buses reassured us that driving was likely the better choice. 

The Cornfield, site of intensely brutal fighting on the morning of September 17. 

Confederate infantry demonstration at Bloody Lane.  The National Park Service scheduled several living history events throughout the battlefield.

As always, the tour of the battlefield was a powerful experience.  There is something about that place. I really feel connected to the past when I am there, and this time was no different.  I can't help but tear up when I look at the hills and fields at Antietam.   I am sure others have similar emotions.  Even with all the crowds, I could still sense a cathedral-like quiet as I walked around.

A reproduction of a Civil War ambulance at the Pry House.  The Pry Barn (behind the ambulance) served as a field hospital at Antietam, primarily for the Second Corps of the Army of the Potomac.  The National Museum of Civil War Medicine now runs a Field Hospital Museum at the site.

A living historian portraying an "embalming surgeon."  Now I've seen it all.  For the 150th anniversary, the Pry House also hosted several living history demonstrations related to Civil War field medicine.  My Dad even extracted a Minie ball from a "leg" inside the Pry Barn--I will spare readers the picture!

Through a stroke of luck, I arrived at Burnside Bridge just as Park Ranger and fellow blogger Mannie Gentile began an overview lecture on the action occurring at the site.  Mannie's presentation was both insightful and stirring.  I don't think I've ever seen such a captivated audience listening to a Park Ranger.  The National Park Service lectures that I heard on Saturday featured slavery and fight for emancipation as a prominent part of the story.

Looking down at Burnside Bridge over Antietam Creek.  Gen. Ambrose Burnside's men eventually pushed across the bridge when Confederate resistance began to weaken.

After our rapid-fire tour of the battlefield, my Dad and I began our trek back to the DC suburbs.  I reflected on the day.  Americans have chosen to remember Antietam in a variety of ways, from reenactments and living history demonstrations to battlefield tours and lectures.  Not all commemorative activities have equal appeal to all people. But I couldn't help but feel moved that whatever our means of remembering the past, we as a nation haven't forgotten the important sacrifices made outside Sharpsburg after 150 years.

Union Soldiers in Northern Virginia Welcome Victories From Far Afield

Although the military situation in Northern Virginia was relatively calm in February 1862, elsewhere in the Confederacy the Union Army was on the move and scoring important victories.  Ft. Henry fell to Brig. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant on February 6, followed by Ft. Donelson on February 16.  The Union capture of the two forts opened the path for an advance into the state of Tennessee along the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.  Meanwhile, the Union secured a key foothold on the North Carolina coast when Brig. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside and Flag Officer Louis Goldsborough beat an inferior Confederate force at Roanoke Island on February 7-8.   The news of the distant victories reached the Union Army's winter camps in Virginia and boosted the men's confidence in their cause.  Perhaps the defeat of the Rebellion would come sooner rather than later.

"Capture of Roanoke Island, Feby. 8th 1862: By the federal forces, under Command of Genl. Ambrose E. Burnside, and gunboats under Commodore L.M. Goldsborough," Currier & Ives (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Brig. Gen. George G. Meade, a brigade commander with the Pennsylvania Reserves at Camp Pierpont in Langley, wrote to his wife on February 9 about the capture of Ft. Henry.  He asked her enthusiastically, "Is not the news from Tennessee glorious?"  (Meade 245.)  Meade felt that Ft. Henry, along with the victories at Dranesville and Mill Springs, Kentucky "prove most conclusively that [the Confederates] are not invincible, and will run just as soon, if not sooner, than we will."  (Meade 245.)  He reported that these wins "have had a most beneficial effect on our morale, and I think all hands are now here looking forward to the period when we can do something."  (Meade 245.)  A few days later, on February 11, Meade told his wife:

To-night we have the good news that Roanoke Island has been taken by the Burnside fleet, and while I write the camp is cheering all around me. There are no particulars, so that our cheers are unmingled with mourning.  (Meade 245.)

All told, however, Meade was still a bit measured in his enthusiasm.  In a February 16 letter, he warned:

Foolish people consider the war over because we have had a few victories, but I consider it just begun. I believe, though, if we continue to be as fortunate as we have recently been, that it will not be long before the other side will have enough of it.  (Meade 246-47.)

Enlisted men in Northern Virginia rejoiced at the news of the recent wins.  Elijah Brown, a private from Co. F, 2nd Vermont at Camp Griffin in Lewinsville, wrote to his sister on February 14 about the capture of Roanoke Island:

The Burnside Expedition has gained [] A great Victory . . . .  Sissy we shall have them well cornered soon they will have to give up soon and surrender to the Gallant Banner of stars and stripes . . . .*

A.F. Hill of the 8th Pennsylvania Reserves described with perhaps a bit of embellishment his regiment's reaction as a mounted messenger rode into Camp Pierpont with news of Ft. Donelson's surrender:

A soul-stirring cheer went up; every man in the regiment shouted with gladness on hearing the welcome news. Other regiments took up the cheer, and ere long fifteen thousand men were yelling at the top of their voices; and they continued to do so until they were hoarse.

Our brass band now came forth, took its position on the most elevated spot in our regimental street, and played all the national airs they could think of; beginning with "Hail Columbia," and winding up with "Yankee Doodle." The whole regiment gathered around, cheering at intervals in a deafening manner.  (Hill 198.)

Hill noted that most men felt that the victory spelled the end of the war, although one soldier dared to shout, "Ah boys, the war is not over yet."  (Hill 199.)  This young man was more realistic in his assessment than many would have cared to admit. 
 
Dan Mason, a corporal with Co. D, 6th Vermont at Camp Griffin, summed up the impact of February's victories in a letter to his fiancee on February 22:

One month has wrought a great change.  our army has been successful at every point. many Forts & important places with thousands of rebel prisoners have been taken by our gallant troops. As you will get the news in the papers long before this reaches you I will not give the particulars here. The daily newspapers (which are brought from Washington every day by little news boys) are filled with cheering news. Our arms are crowned with successs at every point. Camp Griffin is often made wild with joy on receiving the glorious news loud hurahs rend the air. it is deafening to hear the shouts of the excited soldiers. the wildest enthusiasm prevails.*

Mason, however, also doubted the prospects for an advance in Northern Virginia anytime soon.  He told his fiancee that "it is so very muddy now (& has been for the last 6 or 8 weeks) that it is impossible to move heavy artillery & the baggage waggons which must nessessarily attend the advance of an army." 

Mason was on to something.  The Army of the Potomac would have to wait a bit longer before Gen. George McClellan would make a move, and even longer before a major victory on the battlefield.  Until that time, the soldiers around the nation's capital would have to draw inspiration from Union victories elsewhere.

Note
*The spelling and grammar in the soldiers' letters are as in the original.

Sources
A.F. Hill, Our Boys: The Personal Experiences of a Soldier with the Army of the Potomac (1864); Letters of Elijah Brown, On-Line Collection, Vermont Historical Society; Letters of Dan Mason, On-Line Collection, Vermont Historical Society; George G. Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1 (1913).

Civil War Tour of the Outer Banks: Bodie Island Lighthouse and Roanoke Island

This past Saturday I returned with my family from a week-long vacation to the Outer Banks of North Carolina.  The region, which is bordered by the Atlantic Ocean on one side, and a series of sounds on the other, is known for its stunning beaches, historic lighthouses, and fresh seafood.  But the Outer Banks was also the setting for a couple of important Civil War actions related to the Union blockade of the Southern coastline.  Armed with a Civil War Trail map, information from Civil War Traveler, and print outs from the Historical Marker Database, my father-in-law and I set out last Tuesday to discover some of the lesser-known Civil War sites scattered across this top tourist destination.

The Currituck Sound, near Duck, NC.  This body of water served as a key commercial route between North Carolina and Virginia.  Union operations in the region aimed to ensure Northern control of such shipping lanes. 

Bodie Island Lighthouse

We left our home base of Duck along the Currituck Sound and headed south to our first stop -- the Bodie Island Lighthouse, located within the Cape Hatteras National Seashore.  The current lighthouse dates from 1872.  The federal government constructed the original lighthouse in 1847, but faulty engineering rendered the lighthouse unstable, and in 1859 a new one was built. 

Bodie Island Lighthouse (1872), located across the Oregon Inlet from the site of the Civil War-era lighthouse.

Only a few short years later, the Civil War descended on the Outer Banks. The Confederates erected defensive positions to protect various waterways, including Fort Oregon at Oregon Inlet near the Bodie Island Lighthouse, as well as Forts Hatteras and Clark further south at Hatteras Inlet. In August 1861, Union naval vessels under Flag Officer Silas Stringham pounded the Confederate forts at Hatteras Inlet into submission. Union troops under Major General Benjamin Butler went ashore to secure a foothold at this important entrance to the Pamlico Sound. (Unfortunately, due to time constraints I was unable to get down to the Hatteras Inlet area this time around.)

Following the Union victory, Confederate commanders made the decision to abandon Fort Oregon without a fight.  The departing Confederates destroyed the Bodie Island Lighthouse rather than allow it to fall into Union hands.  A few years after the war ended, the government erected another lighthouse, which is the one tourists see today. Unlike the first two lighthouses, this one was built on the north side of Oregon Inlet, across from the earlier locations on the south side. 

Roanoke Island

After visiting the lighthouse grounds and surrounding marshlands, the "Colonel" and I drove to Roanoke Island, the site of a strategic Union victory in 1862.  Roanoke Island sits at the gateway to the Albemarle Sound.  In the fall of 1861, the Union military recognized that the capture of Roanoke Island would cement control of the North Carolina sound region and give the Union a backdoor to attacking Confederate-held Gosport Navy Yard and Norfolk.  Brigadier General Ambrose E. Burnside, who would go on to command the Army of the Potomac, was given permission to raise an expedition to take Roanoke Island.  His novel force was comprised of soldiers from seacoast towns in New England and the Mid-Atlantic states.  Flag Officer Louis Goldsborough led the naval side of the joint operation. 

Roanoke Island was poorly defended by a small force of about 2,500 Confederates from Virginia and North Carolina under the command of ex-Virginia governor Henry Wise.  (During the actual battle, Wise was suffering from pleurisy, and command passed to Colonel Henry Shaw.) The Confederates had constructed a few small forts and batteries on the island.  The naval force under Captain William Lynch consisted of just eight boats -- a contingent that Wise derisively called the "Mosquito Fleet."  As a defensive measure, Lynch had sunk some hulls and pilings in the Croatan Sound to the west of Roanoke Island.

The entire Union Coastal Division of around 13,0000 men left Annapolis in early January 1862 and met up with Goldsborough's twenty gunboats at Ft. Monroe in Virginia.  The fleet of about 80-odd vessels, including transports and supply ships, steamed towards Hatteras Inlet, but was delayed by extremely rough weather.  In addition, several ships were unable to clear the sand bar to enter Pamlico Sound, so the assembly of the fleet was further delayed until the passageway could be deepened.

The force finally headed to the Croatan Sound to the west of Roanoke Island on February 5.  After dealing with poor weather the next day, the Union forced launched an attack at 11:30 a.m. on February 7. Goldsborough's gunboats pounded Confederate Ft. Bartow and drove Lynch's small fleet out of the sound.   Under the cover of naval guns, Burnside's men boarded row boats and landed on the island.  This was the first large amphibious operation of the war and would set an example for future joint operations, both in the Civil War and afterwards.  By midnight, 10,000 troops were camped at Ashby's Landing.

On the morning of February 8, Burnside sent his three brigades against the thin Confederate line of about 1,000 men.  The Federal troops attacked the Confederates on the front and both flanks, captured a three-gun battery, and broke the defenders' line. The Confederate soldiers beat a hasty retreat, abandoning equipment as they raced to the northern end of the island before being taking prisoner by Burnside's men.  In all, the victory came with a relatively small price tag -- 37 killed, 214 wounded, and 13 missing.  The Confederates lost 23 killed, including Wise's son, and 58 wounded.

Today little remains of the actual battlefield, but a few markers commemorate the engagement on Roanoke Island.  My father-in-law and I first visited a marker dedicated to the land battle on NC 345, just south of the intersection with U.S. 64. 

The Battle of Roanoke Island marker is located close to the site of the Confederate three-gun battery that was taken by Union troops during the battle.  The Confederate defenses were concentrated around this battery, which was placed across a causeway, the only north-south road on the island.  The Confederates cut a clear field of fire in front of the battery.  Because both sides of the road consisted of swampy marshland, the Confederate commanders expected that the Union attackers would stick to a direct frontal assault as they approached along the causeway.  Burnside, however, ordered his men to march into the swamps, and before long, the Confederates were surrounded on three sides.  

"Gallant Charge of Hawkins's Zouaves Upon the Rebel Batteries on Roanoke Island," Harper's Weekly, March 1, 1862 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).  The famed Zouave regiment under Colonel Rush Hawkins, known officially as the 9th New York, claimed credit for taking the Confederate battery on Roanoke Island.  The Northern press, infatuated with the colorful Zouaves, ran with the story and sang the praises of the regiment.  In fact, the 21st Massachusetts and 51st New York under Brigadier General Jesse Reno planted their flags first atop the Confederate battery.

We next headed to the new Outer Banks Welcome Center on U.S. 64, just west of the intersection with NC 345.  The marker there tells the story of the entire Burnside expedition in North Carolina, including the successful movements against Elizabeth City, New Bern, and Ft. Macon.

A marker commemorating the Burnside Expedition at the Outer Banks Welcome Center on Roanoke Island.  This marker provides context for the actions that occurred on Roanoke Island in February 1862.

No trip to Roanoke Island is complete without a stop at Ft. Raleigh National Historic Site, located off of U.S. 64 on the north side of the island.  The focus is on the first English settlements in America (1585-87), and the story of the "Lost Colony" is fascinating in its own right.  However, the Visitor Center offers an overview of the Civil War action on Roanoke Island.  (Note that the Visitor Center has recently undergone some renovations, so it appears that the exhibits are not yet fully re-installed.) 

Ft. Raleigh National Historic Site visitor center exhibit on Civil War-related events on Roanoke Island.

The historic site also commemorates the Freedmen's Colony on Roanoke Island.  During the early days of occupation of Roanoke Island, the Union Army labeled slaves a "contraband of war."  Slaves from across the region were soon fleeing to the Union lines and freedom.  In May 1863, the Union commander, Major General John G. Foster, moved to deal with the influx of slaves and ordered the establishment of a freedmen's community on the northern part of the island.  A church, several schools, and even a sawmill flourished there.  By 1865, the population of the colony had grown to nearly 4,000, and over 150 inhabitants served in black Union regiments.  Unfortunately, the colony never became self-sufficient, and the federal government decommissioned it in 1867.  The Freedmen's Colony Monument and a few markers outside the Visitor Center tell the story of this social experiment.

Front side of the Freedmen's Colony Monument, just outside the Visitor Center at the Ft. Raleigh National Historic Site.  

After touring the Ft. Raleigh site, the Colonel and I drove west on U.S. 64 and checked out a few markers associated with the naval battle and the Confederate defenses of Roanoke Island.  These markers were easily accessible from the road, and the traffic was light enough that I crossed by foot from one side of U.S. 64 to the other with little difficulty.

The Naval Battle of Roanoke Island marker is located off U.S. 64, just before the Manns Harbor Bridge on the northwest corner of Roanoke Island.  This marker gives a good sense of the naval action in relation to the geography of Roanoke Island.

The Ft. Huger marker is directly across the highway from the Naval Battle of Roanoke Island marker.  Ft. Huger was one of three Confederate forts on the western side of the island.  The remaining earthworks of Ft. Huger are located on private property.  This position looks out over the Croatan Sound towards the site of the 1862 naval battle.



"The naval fight in Croatan Sound -- landing of national troops -- showing also obstructions in the Sound, with the rebel fleet beyond," original printed source unknown (courtesy of North Carolina Civil War Image Portfolio, UNC University Libraries).  This view looks towards the northwest corner of the island where Ft. Huger was located.

The Ft. Blanchard marker is located on the south side of U.S. 64 not far from the Ft. Huger marker.  The remaining earthworks were not visible from this location.  The third fort on the western side of the island, Ft. Bartow, came under heavy fire during the naval battle.  A marker also commemorates Ft. Bartow, although time did not permit a detour to visit this out-of-the-way marker.

Our last stop before returning to home base was the town of Manteo.  My father-in-law is a lighthouse aficionado, so we stopped to check out the Roanoke Marshes Lighthouse.  This replica is based on an 1877 screwpile lighthouse that was located in a narrow channel between the Croatan Sound and Pamlico Sound.  I only mention this lighthouse because the one in existence during the war was passed by Burnside's troops on the way to the fight at Roanoke Island and is pictured on at least one contemporary engraving.  (See below.) As an explanatory marker notes inside the lighthouse, the structure was a "witness to the Battle for Roanoke Island."

Roanoke Marshes Lighthouse along the waterfront in Manteo, NC.

"The national fleet passing through the marshes between Croatan and Pamlico Sounds," 1862, original printed source unknown (courtesy of North Carolina Civil War Image Portfolio, UNC University Libraries).  An earlier incarnation of the Roanoke Marshes Lighthouse is visible to the right of the engraving.

As the Colonel and I returned to the family quarters in Duck, I was reminded of how much I love travel.  Each destination has a way of revealing its own history that leads me to dig a little deeper.  Before the Outer Banks trip, I was vaguely familiar with the Union coastal operations in North Carolina.  Now, after visiting the sites and reading more about them, I have gained a greater appreciation for this important aspect of the Civil War.  And dare I admit that I even have a new-found respect for Burnside?

Further Reading

In preparation for a Civil War tour of the Outer Banks, the following books may prove useful:

Peter M. Chaitin, The Coastal War: Chesapeake Bay to Rio Grande (1984).

Kevin Dougherty, Strangling the Confederacy: Coastal Operations in the American Civil War (2010).

Drew Pullen, The Civil War on Roanoke Island North Carolina (2002).

The Volunteers Take Over Washington (Part 2)

Last week -- before the great Blogger service interruption of 2011 -- I wrote about the quartering of Northern volunteers in government buildings across Washington during the spring of 1861.  Today's post looks at a few more regiments that stayed in the District at the start of the Civil War.

The Treasury, c. 1860, showing the old Riggs Hotel  to the left of the photo (courtesy of Library of Congress) 

The Fifth Massachusetts arrived in Washington towards the end of April and took up residence in the Treasury, which was still under construction when the war started.  The Union Army had earlier designated the building as the last bulwark against a Confederate attack on the nation's capital.  According to the plan, President Lincoln, who lived just around the corner at the White House, would seek shelter at the Treasury with his Cabinet while the Federal forces fought for the survival of the city.  Of course, this scenario never came to pass, but the fact that the high command was prepared for such contingencies demonstrates the concerns that gripped the Army brass early in the war.

Cooking and eating arrangements for Union soldiers in the courtyard of the Treasury, Harper's Weekly, May 25, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)

As Alfred S. Roe noted in his regimental history, the presence of the Fifth Massachusetts meant that the "Treasury was well guarded."  The daily routine largely "consisted in patrol and sentry duty, not very hard of itself, but liable to become irksome if too often repeated."  The Fifth drilled on the site of the National Mall, and Company F even received daily instruction on the "green back of the White House."   Like any soldiers in close quarters, the men "contracted [] coughs and colds that hung on for many a day." On April 29, Lincoln paid a visit to the regiment at the Treasury.  A few days later, the Fifth headed to Jackson Square across from the White House, where then-Major Irvin McDowell officially mustered the regiment into federal service.  President Lincoln then reviewed the newly minted Union soldiers at the White House.

On April 26, the First Rhode Island Regiment under Col. Ambrose E. Burnside arrived in Washington and set up temporary quarters in the Patent Office.  (The building today houses the National Portrait Gallery and Smithsonian American Art Museum.)  Construction on the Patent Office began in 1836 and was close to completion by the time of the Civil War.  Burnside's men placed bunks between the glass cabinets containing patent models.  According to one account, the soldiers broke around 400 panes of glass during their stay at the Patent Office, and some men even stole the models. The men of the 1st Rhode Island were also accompanied by four women -- a camp laundress, as well as three relatives.

Patent Office before the war, c. 1846 , showing F St., N.W. facade (courtesy of Library of Congress)

On May 1, the First Rhode Island played a part in a rousing display of patriotism at the Patent Office. Famous 19th century journalist and author Benjamin Perley Poore described the scene:

The Rhode Island regiment was under arms in the street facing the building, and on the roof of the portico was the Washington City Rifle Corps. At noon President Lincoln, accompanied by Secretary Seward and other members of his Cabinet, appeared on the portico, and the President hoisted the flag to the top of the staff, where the breeze at once displayed its fair proportions amid the hearty cheers of the soldiers and of the multitude. Three cheers were then given for the President, and three more for the Secretary of State, both of whom gracefully but silently acknowledged the compliments. The Rhode Island regiment then gave nine cheers for the stars and stripes, and were drilled in the manual by Colonel Burnside, displaying a steadiness and unity of movement worthy of veterans. Mr. Lincoln then advancing to the front, the regiment presented arms, a salute which he acknowledged by raising his hat. He had intended to address the regiment, but the strong wind would have prevented their hearing him, had he spoken.

The next day, the First Rhode Island was sworn into service by Major McDowell on the east side of the Capitol.  At the end of the ceremony, the band struck up The Star Spangled Banner.

Sleeping bunks of the 1st Rhode Island, Harper's Weekly, June 1, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)

Model room at the Patent Office (1861-65), site of 1st Rhode Island quarters during the war, as seen in the illustration from Harper's Weeky above (courtesy of Library of Congress)

Both the Fifth Massachusetts and the First Rhode Island did not occupy government buildings for long.  The First Rhode Island left the Patent Office after a couple of weeks and established Camp Sprague, northeast of downtown, on a farm belonging to George Keating.  The Fifth Massachusetts crossed the Potomac into Virginia and set up camp around Alexandria towards the end of May.  Both 90-day regiments would fight in the First Battle of Bull Run in July before being mustered out later in the summer.  The Union Army eventually constructed a ring of defenses and encampments around Washington, but government buildings in town were never entirely safe from military use.  The Patent Office and Capitol, for instance, were later used as a hospital for the wounded after the Second Battle of Bull Run in 1862.   The war was never too far away for Washingtonians.

Photo of Camp Sprague, Col. Burnside just to the left of the tree in center (courtesy of Smithsonian Institution)

Note on Sources

The following sources were useful in compiling this two-part series:

Kenneth W. Dobyns, History of the United States Patent Office (1994).

"From the Fire Zouaves; How the Boys Put Out the Fire at Willard's," New York Times, May 11, 1861.

Steve Hawks, Civil War in the East: A Reference Guide to America's Civil War (online resource with regimental chronologies).

Richard M. Lee, Mr. Lincoln's City: An Illustrated Guide to the Civil War Sites of Washington (1981).

Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington (1941).

Mark Leepson, "Capital Defense--Washington, D.C. in the Civil War", America's Civil War, Aug. 26, 2009.

Lehrman Institute/Lincoln Institute, Mr. Lincoln's White House (on-line resource).

Official Records, Series 1, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 8-9.

Benjamin Perley Poore, The Life and Public Services of Ambrose E. Burnside (1882).

Alfred S. Roe, The Fifth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry In Its Three Tours of Duty: 1861, 1862-'63, 1864 (1911).



Weekend Excursion to Mosby's Confederacy: From Paris to Atoka

This past weekend my wife and I took a trip to Virginia hunt country for our second wedding anniversary.  Civil War enthusiasts know this area better as "Mosby's Confederacy."  We stayed in the amazing Ashby Inn in Paris and ate at the top-notch restaurant there.  My wife was so kind as to indulge my interest in the Civil War, and we visited several historical sites, including those in and around Paris.  Not everything was related to the Gray Ghost's exploits.  The area played a role in many other events during the course of the war, and sites are scattered across the towns and farmland of Fauquier and Loudoun Counties.  Given our limited amount of time, however, my wife and I stuck mainly with the Mosby-related sites.

Day 1: Paris and Surroundings

Nestled at the foot of Ashby's Gap in the Blue Ridge Mountains along what used to be the Ashby's Gap Turnpike, Paris was a frequent haunt and rendez-vous point for Mosby's Rangers.  Despite the enticements of the small town, the Rangers boarded in isolated farmhouses around Paris, where they could remain undetected between raids.  The area near Paris also saw the passage of General Thomas J. Jackson's Confederate brigade on the way to First Manassas in July 1861, before Jackson won his famous nickname.

Mount Bleak (front side) at Sky Meadows State Park

On Saturday, my wife and I headed down I-66 West and exited towards one of the Ranger's "safe houses," Mount Bleak.  Today, Mount Bleak is part of Sky Meadows State Park, and offers dramatic views of the surrounding mountains and countryside.  At the time of the Civil War, the home was owned by Abner and Mary Settle.  Incidentally, Abner's son pronounced John Brown dead when he was hanged in December 1859 after the raid on Harper's Ferry.  Mount Bleak was a frequent stop of Mosby's men, and several Rangers boarded in the house's attic.  The Rangers also erected a signal station on the high ground around Mount Bleak.

After leaving Sky Meadows, we checked into the Ashby Inn and headed out for a walking tour of Paris, which has many fine examples of early- to mid-19th century Virginia architecture.  The Ashby Inn itself was constructed in 1829 and served as a Methodist parsonage in the 1860s.  According to a handout from the inn, General Joseph E. Johnston and Jackson rested on the original porch on their way to First Manassas.  I am uncertain as to the veracity of this story, given that it appears Jackson was alone with his brigade when it entered Paris at two in the morning on July 19, 1861, and Johnston had already gone ahead to Piedmont Station to await the arrival of his entire Army of the Shenandoah.

Ashby Inn and Restaurant on Federal Street

Further along Federal Street sits the home of Dr. Albin Payne. During 1864-65, this dwelling served as a "safe house" for one of Mosby's Rangers, Lewis Thornton Powell.  In January 1865, Powell disappeared, only to team up with John Wilkes Booth.  On April 14, 1865, the night of Lincoln's assassination, Powell, under the assumed name of Payne, attacked Secretary of State William Seward with a knife.  Seward lived, but Lewis Payne was captured and hanged on July 7, 1865. 

Dr. Payne's House on Federal Street

Closer to the inn, we checked out the so-called "Grove of White Oaks."  This area was the scene of political, social, and religious gatherings before the war. Jackson's soldiers camped in the fields among these trees on July 19, 1861 after crossing through Ashby's Gap and entering Paris.

Grove of White Oaks, along State Rt. 701

Turning down Republican Street, my wife and I examined the red-brick "Meeting House," which served as a school and church for both whites and blacks.  During the Civil War, the building was used as a hospital for Union and Confederate Armies.

The "Meeting House," site of hospital for Union and Confederate troops, Republican Street

Day 2: Paris to Atoka

After a restful night's sleep and a delicious breakfast, we left Paris and headed down U.S. 50, known as the "John S. Mosby Highway" in this part of Virginia.  Our first stop was the tiny village of Rectortown, site of a few interesting episodes in Civil War history.  On November 7, 1862, Major General George McClellan, who had established his headquarters at Rectortown, was relieved here of command of the Army of the Potomac and replaced by Major General Ambrose Burnside.  The actual site of the event is not marked, but is commemorated by a Civil War Trails marker.

Rectortown, like everything in this part of Virginia, also has a connection to Mosby.  On November 6, 1864, Mosby had Union prisoners draw lots to determine who would be executed in retaliation for the killing of seven of Mosby's Rangers earlier that year, including six in Front Royal on September 23.  When a drummer boy drew one of the numbered tickets, Mosby allowed him to live and had a substitute selected by another draw.  In all, three of the seven were hanged, the others surviving or escaping.  Mosby wrote to General Philip Sheridan, Union commander in the Shenandoah Valley, and promised that henceforth, Mosby would treat Federal prisoners with "kindness due to their condition" unless Sheridan did otherwise to Confederates who were captured.  Sheridan responded favorably, and there were no repeats of the death lottery.

Prison building in Rectortown along Maidstone Road (note Civil War Trails marker in front)

We made our way down to an old stone building in Rectortown.  During the war, this structure was used to house Union prisoners of war and still has traces of graffiti on the interior.  (Unfortunately, we were unable to enter and look around; probably just as good, considering the poor state of the building.)  I also walked over and checked out the railroad tracks alongside the prison.  Now the Norfolk Southern line, at the time of the Civil War, it was the Manassas Gap Railroad.  In October 1864, Mosby's Rangers disrupted Union plans to rebuild the railroad in an effort to supply General Sheridan's army in the Shenandoah Valley.

Manassas Gap Railroad line, next to old prison in Rectortown

Following the visit to Rectortown, my wife and I drove across a very rough, narrow country road and arrived at Atoka, which was known as Rector's Crossroads during the Civil War.  Here we stopped to look at the Rector House, where on June 10, 1863, the 43rd Battalion of Virginia Cavalry, known better as Mosby's Rangers, was officially organized.  Around two weeks later, Confederate General J.E.B. Stuart received orders here from General Robert E. Lee concerning the cavalry's route in the Gettysburg Campaign.  Stuart's actions in carrying out his order are controversial and the subject of much debate among historians to this day.

The Rector House in Atoka.  Mosby's Rangers was organized in the parlor, at the left front of the house. Note the historical marker to the right.

The Rector House is only open on Saturday's in the summer, so we were unable to view the inside.  My wife and I hopped in the SUV and headed next for Middleburg, capital of horse country.

Up Next: The remaining sites on our tour of Mosby's Confederacy, including Aldie Mill and Mt. Zion Church.