Civil War Views: Another Photograph of the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin?

In October 1861, Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division established Camp Griffin near Langley and Lewinsville, Virginia (today's McLean). The regiments in Smith's force included the 43rd New York of Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock's brigade. Five years ago I discovered a stereoview of the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin. This scene was captured by Edward Bierstadt, a photographer who was also the brother of famed artist Albert Bierstadt. After some additional research, I recently learned that Edward ran a temporary studio in Langley near the 43rd New York's quarters at Camp Griffin. There he joined other photographers, including George Houghton, who took some iconic photographs of the Vermont Brigade in Northern Virginia. Surrounded by thousands of soldiers hungry for images to send to the folks back home, these photographers found a ready-made market for cartes-de-visite and camp pictures.

Among the Bierstadt photographs in the collection at the New York Public Library is the following, entitled "Culinary art in Camp, 43rd Reg. N.Y. Volunteers":


(courtesy of Wikimedia; also at NYPL Digital Collections)

This stereoscopic photograph does not mention a location. However, given that Bierstadt was with the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin, it seems highly probable that this photograph was taken there around the same general time as the regimental camp scene that I have featured before on the blog:

(courtesy of Wikimedia; also at NYPL Digital Collection)

This conclusion is further reinforced by the numbering convention at the bottom of both photographs. The photo of the regiment in formation bears the number 1319, while the culinary scene appears as number 1323. They are close enough in the sequence to be related to one another, and also bear the same photographer's inscription on the reverse of "Bierstadt Brothers, New Bedford, Mass." I haven't yet been able to reconstruct where else Bierstadt may have photographed the 43rd New York after Camp Griffin, if at all.

The photograph itself is rather curious. Bierstadt has captured an ordinary scene of camp life, in all its primitive glory, and his title for the photograph is certainly ironic! A crude shelter covers the "kitchen." Poultry and meat carcasses, along with a butcher's ax, appear to rest on a wooden plank. Boxes and pots clutter the background. A couple of the cooks wear what look like fezes. One man is busy cutting food. The picture reminds us that the Civil War was often more than just marches and battles. Thanks to Bierstadt, we are fortunate to get yet another opportunity to see life in the camps around Washington at the start of the war.

Source

Eleanor Jones Harvey, The Civil War and American Art (2012).

For more on the location of the camp of the 43rd N.Y. see my previous posts here and here.

Remarkable Photographs and Sketches of Camp Griffin on the Library of Congress Website

Over the last few years, I have devoted considerable attention to the Union Army encampments in the vicinity of present-day McLean, Virginia. Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division established Camp Griffin in October 1861 on property near the villages of Langley and Lewinsville. (The Pennsylvania Reserves, meanwhile, settled down at Camp Pierpont, which stretched along the Georgetown-Leesburg Turnpike and passed through Langley.) Whenever possible, I've tried to publish illustrations related to the camps, including some of George Houghton's fascinating photographs of the Vermont Brigade at Camp Griffin.

Thanks to a fellow blogger at Chooeubhaokhaossian the Great's Temple of History, I recently discovered a treasure trove of photographs and sketches of Camp Griffin on the Library of Congress's Prints & Photographs Online Catalog.  (Click here for the set of images.) The LoC's online collection appears to have expanded. I previously located a few Houghton photographs on the site, and in particular a set showing the separate companies of the 6th Vermont. Now several images (including a few photographs that are entirely new to me) are available for study and exploration. Moreover, the site offers some sketches by Larkin Goldsmith Mead, who was an artist for Harper's Weekly assigned to the Army of the Potomac. According to the LoC, Mead also made topographical drawings for Baldy Smith. I hope to return to some of these remarkable images in the future. For now, head over to the LoC website and take a look at life in camp around Washington during the first fall and winter of the war.

Here is just a sampling of the images:

"Union soldiers in front of tents, probably at Camp Griffin, Langley, Virginia," by George Houghton (courtesy of Library of Congress).

"Second Vermont Camp Griffin 1861," by George Houghton (courtesy of Library of Congress).

"Photographers on the Potomac. Camp Griffin, Virginia," by Larkin G, Mead (courtesy of Library of Congress).

Commemorating the 150th of Cold Harbor

The Overland Campaign poses a challenge to even the most ardent Sesquicentennialist. After all, the Union and Confederate armies engaged in almost continuous combat over the course of several weeks. I knew that I would never have the time to attend all of the commemorative events being planned. I went to the 150th of the Bloody Angle at the Spotsylvania Court House Battlefield on May 12, but given the craziness of this thing we call life, I wasn't sure if I would make it to any others. This past Saturday, however, I found myself with the opportunity to attend the kick off of the Sesquicentennial of Cold Harbor. So I got up early (for a weekend), jumped in the car, and drove down I-95 to the Cold Harbor Battlefield near Richmond.

The National Park Service (NPS) had arranged for shuttle bus transportation from a nearby church to the battlefield. The crowd was waiting for the bus when a police officer arrived and informed us that we could park at the site itself. Before long, I joined the caravan of cars, trucks, and SUVs driving down Cold Harbor Road.

Entrance to the battlefield, a unit of Richmond National Battlefield Park. The parking on the field next to the park began filling up early. 

I decided to do the two morning tours of the battlefield. The first looked at the soldiers' perspective of Cold Harbor, with a focus on the attack of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery on June 1, 1864. This unit had recently joined the Army of the Potomac from the defenses of Washington. As we hiked over the very ground where the fight occurred, the Park Ranger brought to life the regiment's baptism by fire at Cold Harbor.

Soldiers from the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery halted in this depression before resuming their attack on the Confederate works on June 1. Enemy troops under Gen. Robert Hoke initially beat back the assault, but the 2nd Connecticut regrouped and took the Confederate line.

The tour group stops at the 2nd Connecticut Volunteer Heavy Artillery monument. The regiment lost over 330 killed and wounded during the fighting on June 1. Among those killed was the unit's commander, Col. Elisha Kellogg.

These three reenactors portraying members of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery traveled all the way from Connecticut to commemorate the regiment's sacrifices at Cold Harbor. I talked to them and discovered that they were camping near the regiment's monument for a few nights with the permission of the NPS. The men thanked the tour group for our interest in honoring the 2nd Connecticut on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the regiment's first major engagement.

The tours were scheduled so close together so I had to depart a few minutes early and rush to join the second hike. This tour examined the historical memory, myths, and realities behind the June 3, 1864 fight at Cold Harbor. The Ranger led us to the area of the attack made by Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's XVIII Corps, which was one of the bloodiest and most intense parts of the battle on June 3. He helped us to understand the sheer horror of that day and explained the role that poor coordination and fatigue played in the Army of Potomac's loss. The Ranger also dispelled the notion of "Grant the Butcher."

The tour group walks over terrain that featured in the attack of the XVIII Corps on June 3. At the time of the battle an unnamed stream ran where the pond sits today.  Units from the XVIII Corps advanced generally from left to right along the ravine formed by the stream.

Looking just over the park boundary in the direction of Confederate entrenchments that greeted the XVIII Corps on June 3. The earthworks are long gone.

The tour group stops at the edge of hastily dug Union trenches. During the fighting on June 3, soldiers used canteens, tin cups and plates, and frying pans to build temporary protection.

The NPS also featured plenty of living history. The sight of Union and Confederate field encampments under the tall pines transported visitors back to 1864. Reenactors portraying Lee and Grant were even on hand. Every once in a while the sound of cannon fire would echo through the park, a chilling reminder of what was happening here on a grand scale 150 years ago.

Union encampment on the battlefield.

I spotted General Grant himself over in the Union encampment!

Reenactors portraying soldiers from Lee's army march past the remains of  Confederate earthworks on the battlefield. (I assume they were not in any way tramping on the historic entrenchments!)

Stacked arms in the Confederate encampment.

After the tours I went back to the Visitor Center to check out the various activities that were underway. I bought a requisite commemorative cover as I have for other Sesquicentennial events. Although I am far from being a stamp collector, I like having some type of keepsake from these 150th commemorations, and I just can't bring myself to buy those T-shirts they sell! I also had a chance to get my copy of Hurricane from the Heavens: The Battle of Cold Harbor, May 26-June 5, 1864 autographed by co-author Daniel T. Davis.

One of my goals while at Cold Harbor was to locate the general area where my ancestor, Pvt. William Baumgarten, fought on June 3. William was with Co. K of the 102nd Pennsylvania, which belonged to Gen. Frank Wheaton's brigade, Gen. Thomas Neill's division of Gen. Horatio Wright's VI Corps. Generally speaking, the VI Corps saw little fighting on June 3, but Neill's men made a run at the Confederate line. The 102nd Pennsylvania held the far right of the VI Corps line, and moved along with rest of Wheaton's brigade towards Confederate works held by Gen. G. T. Anderson's brigade. As Wheaton described in his after-action report:

The troops advanced with spirit, carrying the first and imperfect line of rifle-pits of the rebels running diagonally with our front; in the attempt to take the second line, however, they were repulsed with heavy loss. The One hundred and second and One hundred and thirty-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers found cover under the rifle-pit taken, which extended over their front. (OR, 1:36:1, 689.)

The 102nd Pennsylvania and other regiments remained at the converted entrenchment until relieved by soldiers from the Vermont Brigade. Overall, the 102nd Pennsylvania lost six killed, 39 wounded, and two missing. Lt. Col. William McIlwaine, the regiment's commander, was mortally wounded, and Maj.Thomas McLaughlin suffered severe wounds. (OR, 1:36:1, 693.)

The NPS staff assisted me in trying to figure out the site where the 102nd Pennsylvania fought. After digging around and looking at a few maps, they finally determined that the 102nd Pennsylvania more than likely entered the fray a little to the south of the unnamed stream along which the XVIII Corps advanced, not far from the battlefield's Tour Stop 3. (This stream is the same one marked by the pond seen in the picture above.)

I walked out to the approximate position of the 102nd  Pennsylvania's attack and looked around. I tried to image what William was feeling at that time. Enlisting only in March 1864, he had arrived just in time for the hellacious fighting at the Wilderness and Spotsylvania. And now here  he was, once again facing the enemy. I took a moment to pause and remember my ancestor and the sacrifices he made for his country. (Note that since my visit, additional research has shed some light on a more accurate and precise position of the 102nd Pennsylvania. I will need to go back and walk around some more!)

The surviving entrenchments are one of the most striking and memorable aspects of the Cold Harbor Battlefield. I had never before seen such an extensive network of well-preserved earthworks. I took several pictures, but nothing can capture the sense of being there and seeing them for yourself. The earthen remains of the desperate struggles of June 1 and June 3 are a true national treasure.

Example of the preserved Confederate trenches at Cold Harbor.

Following my tour at Cold Harbor, I drove up the road to the Garthright House, which was used as a Union hospital during the battle. The NPS owns the house, but the surrounding land forms part of Hanover County's Cold Harbor Battlefield Park. The marker at the home tells the horrific story of how Mrs. Garthright took shelter in her basement as blood dripped through the floorboards. Around 97 soldiers were buried in the front yard and later interred at the Cold Harbor National Cemetery in 1866.

As my last stop, I crossed the road and visited the national cemetery. This small, sobering place is a reminder of the sacrifices made by the men in blue at Cold Harbor and other area battles. I checked out the Pennsylvania Monument, which is dedicated to the regiments who participated in the June 1864 battle at Cold Harbor, including the 102nd Pennsylvania. The cemetery also contains a monument to the 8th New York Heavy Artillery, as well as the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, which is dedicated to 889 unidentified Union war dead buried nearby.

The only downside of the day had nothing to do with program or sites at all. My iPhone lost power pretty fast as I downloaded photos to Twitter. I tried to recharge in my car while eating lunch, but I never got enough juice. Unlucky for me, the phone died completely just as I began to take pictures of the area where William Baumgarten and 102nd advanced and fought. If I learned one lesson, it is to take my digital camera the next time!

Overall I had a very meaningful day at Cold Harbor. Along with fellow Civil War enthusiasts, I had a chance to study and ponder the fighting that took place on this hallowed ground 150 years ago. I also explored my own personal connection to the battle and honored my ancestor who fought there. As birds sang and the scent of pine filled the air, I could hardly imagine the bloodshed that had occurred in such a tranquil and beautiful setting. But then I would look down at one of those entrenchments from so long ago and remember all too well that "it was not war, but murder."

Sources

Aside from the OR, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

Daniel T. Davis & Philip S. Greenwalt, Hurricane from the Heavens: The Battle of Cold Harbor, May 26-June 5, 1864 (2014); Gordon C. Rhea, Cold Harbor, Grant and Lee, May 26-June 3, 1864 (2002).

Washington City's Newspapers Report on the Opening of the Overland Campaign

The 150th anniversary of the Overland Campaign has officially begun. On this day in 1864 the Union and Confederate armies fought each other in the dense woods and thick underbrush of the Wilderness. I recently looked at some articles in the Washington papers from the corresponding time period, curious as to news residents of the nation's capital were receiving about the battle. What I found was an unusually long time lag, as well as inaccuracy, confusion, and contradiction. Perhaps this is not entirely surprising. The Union Army started removing telegraph lines once the spring campaign got underway, and even the Lincoln Administration was straining to learn news of the Army of the Potomac.

As the first day of the battle raged less than 100 miles to the south, readers of the Washington Daily National Republican were greeted with a headline that the Union Army was "[a]cross the Rapidan." (DNR, May 5, 1864.) Already Gen. Robert E. Lee "has been compelled to fall back from the strong position where he has held us at bay all winter," and "[e]very hour may now bring us news of a battle. . . ." (May 5, 1864.) Likewise, the Washington Evening Star informed readers:

The belief is expressed by parties from the front that Lee has suddenly evacuated his position; and there is a report coming through Rebel sources that he is marching rapidly to meet a Federal force believed in Richmond to be moving up the peninsula under General [William F.] Smith. 

Good military judges about us however, believe that Lee means to confront [Ulysses S.] Grant directly. . . .

We may be certain from Grant's past history that his movements will be rapid and telling. (ES, May 5. 1864.)

"Major-General [James] Wadsworth Fighting in the Wilderness," Harper's Weekly, June 4. 1864, after a sketch by A.R. Waud (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net). This illustration depicts fighting on May 6. Wadsworth was mortally wounded during the battle.

The next day, the hard fighting continued in the Wilderness, but the citizens of Washington were left guessing as to events at the front. According to one report in the Evening Star, "Lee's intention is to retreat to Richmond or to make a stand near Hanover C.H." (ES, May 6, 1864.) The Daily National Republican had little additional information, but offered some commentary:

We shall be very much disappointed if the first official dispatch from Gen. Grant is not dated from the victorious plains of Spotsylvania or before the defences of Richmond. 

The killed in the battle already fought, or to be fought, in Virginia we cannot serve, but the wounded we all can help, and it behooves the citizens to prepare themselves to render all the aid in their power.  

The number must be great in such a terrible conflict as will take place whenever the armies of Grant and Lee meet. (DNR, May 6, 1864.)

Washington Daily National Republican, May 7, 1864

Finally, the May 7 papers carried news of the recent battle in the Wilderness based on a dispatch from a New York Tribune correspondent who had made his way behind the lines. The Daily National Republican, which also cited government sources, loudly proclaimed, "Grant Victorious. . . THE REBELS DEFEATED." (DNR, May 7, 1864.) The Evening Star was more cautious and spoke of "RUMOR RUN WILD":

A contemporary publishes this afternoon as information received by Government, statements that a great victory was achieved by General Grant. . . . 

We should be very glad to be able to confirm this news, but have to say that after diligent inquiry we are satisfied that Government has received no such information, or any information of more decisive results than that furnished by the Tribune dispatch elsewhere.

The fact that [Gen. George] Meade was able to stand the brunt of the Confederate onset with a portion of his command is considered a hopeful indication, and we hope soon to be able to announce a decisive victory, but we shall not trifle with our readers by manufacturing bogus victories for an hour's sensation. (ES, May 7, 1864.)

The next day, the Evening Star had reason for optimism:

The Chief Quartermaster has made a requisition for grain for the animals. This imports an advance by General Grant. . . . 

There seems to be no doubt that, although nothing decisive has yet occurred, the enemy has been foiled in his confident expectation of driving General Grant back before his operations could be fully developed, and that Lee has been compelled to give way. (ES, May 8, 1864.)

Finally, on May 9, three days after the battle had ended, the Evening Star declared Grant "VICTORIOUS" and informed readers that "Lee retreats 12 miles, leaving his dead and wounded in our hands." (ES, May 9, 1864.) By this time, however, news of another battle was starting to trickle in:

Parties in Alexandria County, yesterday, heard firing as from heavy siege guns, in the direction of Spotsylvania Court House, from 11 to 1 o'clock a.m. The distance is over 60 miles, but the day was quiet and the wind from the southwest, making it not improbable that the firing was from a battle going on yesterday between Grant and Lee. (ES, May 9, 1864.)

The Daily National Republican again rushed to declare another win:

There is reason to believe, from dispatches already received since our first extra to-day, that Lee was forced to fight at Spotsylvania on Sunday [May 8], and was again repulsed and compelled to retreat. (DNR, May 9, 1864.)

Of course, the engagement at Spotsylvania would drag on for days and prove just as inconclusive as the fight in the Wilderness had been. Grant, however, pushed onward in pursuit of Lee. Throughout the remainder of May and into June, Washingtonians continued to read about mounting casualties while praying for that ever elusive final victory over the Army of Northern Virginia. The papers would have no shortage of war news for the days and months to come.

Sources:

Noah Andre Trudeau, Bloody Roads South: The Wilderness to Cold Harbor, May-June 1864 (1989); Washington Daily National Republican, May 5, 6, 7 & 9, 1864; Washington Evening Star, May 5, 6, 7, 8 & 9, 1864.

Visiting Gen. Hancock and the Fortifications on Mackall's Hill

A few weeks ago I wrote about Dr. Richard C. Mackall. By the time of the Civil War, this prominent Maryland-born physician had settled in Fairfax County. His 129-acre farm sat along the road from Chain Bridge to Lewinsville. As the Union Army pushed deeper into the Old Dominion at the start of October 1861, Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock established his headquarters at Mackall's home. Hancock's brigade, consisting of the 5th Wisconsin, 6th Maine, 43rd New York, and 49th Pennsylvania, belonged to William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. Hancock's regiments, along with the others in Smith's division, established Camp Griffin on the farms around Lewinsville. The Union Army arrested Mackall on suspicion of disloyalty. Hancock apparently secured Mackall's release, and the doctor returned afterwards to his childhood home in Maryland.

A war correspondent for the New York Times paid a visit to Hancock's headquarters not long after Smith's advance. His lengthy dispatch, found here, is well worth reading in its entirety. The reporter described Hancock's brigade as sitting at "the extreme western limits of our encampments." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The general was "on the outermost verge -- standing next to the foe, and in his front." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The correspondent made no secret of his admiration for the brigade commander:

The Germans say that "the future of every man is written on his face." If there is not honor and glory broadly written on the face of Gen. HANCOCK, I misinterpret the language of faces. He has a name that would make a man fight, whether he had or had not the will. He evidently has the will, and that is backed by the experience of Cerro Gordo, Molino del Rey, Contreras and Cherubusco.* I have no doubt that he will prove himself, when opportunity occurs, worthy of the post of honor and of danger in which the instinct of Gen. MCCLELLAN has placed him. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)*

The article was not far off the mark, although perhaps I reveal my own biases!


Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock (courtesy of National Portrait Gallery)

The correspondent also observed how the war had dramatically transformed Mackall's property since the arrival of the Union Army:

Even around the outposts, that necessity which knows no law is fiercely predominant. The house in which Gen. HANCOCK has his quarters stands on the pinnacle of the knoll, or cone, I have described. It was originally one of the most comfortable and convenient of any hereabouts. The cone was covered with timber -- not the small, second growth of the surrounding country, but real ancestral oaks -- grand old monarchs of the last century's forests. On all the slope; that faced toward Miner's Hill,** and towards the supposed lurking-place of the enemy, the soldiers have cut away the trees, and turned them into an abattis. Around the house, and half-way up the slope, a deep rifle-pit has been dug, from which thousands of men could deal death upon an advancing line. On the lawn stand Parrott guns and howitzers, and limbers and caissons, and the smooth sod and the walks are tramped up by the picketed horses. It has evidently been the labor and the pride of years. Any one who had dug and delved, and planted and watched, with the hope and the prospect of enjoyment, can appreciate the feelings of one who sees all the labor of years thus cast down, as it were, in an hour. I could but think, as I saw the old trees prostrated, of the little home far away on the peaceful shores of the Hudson, and hope that it might neither witness the carnage nor the devastation of war. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

According to the Times, the Confederates were keeping their distance from the Union lines, but Hancock was unlikely to let them go unchallenged:

Since our army advanced, the enemy have been shy of showing themselves around Lewinsville. Occasionally [Romeyn] AYRES drops a shell where it is possible they may be, or [Thaddeus] MOTT sends to their late haunts a messenger by the mouth of his rifled Parrotts. But they don't respond. Whether they are shy or only sullen, neither AYRES' shell nor MOTT's conicals can determine. If they don't respond soon, it is possible that Gen. HANCOCK may look for them in person, accompanied by a few friends, and I shall hope to be present at the interview. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

Detail of 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia showing property of Dr. Richard C. Mackall along the road  to Lewinsville (courtesy of Library of Congress). The "knoll or cone" mentioned in the New York Times article was known locally as "Mackall's Hill." A present-day map of McLean showing the location of the former Mackall property (in red) can be found here. 

"General Hancock's Headquarters, Artillery in Foreground, Camp Griffin." (A special thanks to the staff at the Vermont Historical Society, who graciously agreed to provide me with a copy of this rare photograph from "A Very Fine Appearance": The Vermont Civil War Photographs of George Houghton by Donald H. Wickman) The Mackall  house sits atop Mackall's Hill in the distant background. At the time Houghton took the photograph, several trees were still standing on the rise. Wickman's book identifies the cannon and limber as possibly belonging to Ayres' Battery F, 5th U.S. Artillery.

Although Hancock and his men never saw much action while encamped near Lewinsville, in October 1861 all eyes were turned to Northern Virginia and the possibility of another major clash between the armies. Meanwhile, civilians like Mackall saw their lives and property radically transformed by the advancing troops. Today Mackall's farm is marked by nondescript commercial and residential development. But 152 years ago, a general destined for greatness at Gettysburg looked out from his perch on that same spot and contemplated his next move.

Notes

*Battles of the Mexican War that took place in 1847 during the U.S. campaign to capture Mexico City.
**Minor's Hill is an elevation located a few miles to the southeast of Mackall's Hill in present-day Arlington County.

Sources

Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library) ("1860 Map"); N.Y. Times, Oct. 11, 1861; N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.

McLean Historical Society: Follow-Up on Speaking Engagement

As readers are aware, this past Tuesday I spoke before the McLean Historical Society (MHS) about the Union Army encampments in the McLean area during the first fall and winter of the Civil War.  I am extremely grateful that the MHS invited me to talk about this topic, which has been one of the main focuses of this blog.  All told, around 50 people turned out for the event.  It warmed my heart to see that so many people were interested in learning about the Civil War camps in my part of Northern Virginia.  The audience was not strictly "local" either.  At least one Facebook fan from DC showed up, along with a member of the neighboring Bull Run Civil War Roundtable.

A few people in the crowd were also descendants of families who lived in this area during the mid-19th century.  Dan Smoot's ancestor, Jacob Smoot, owned Salona at the time of the Civil War.  Jacob, a Southern sympathizer, fled Salona with his family and moved to Georgetown.   He was also arrested by Union authorities early in the war.  Gen. "Baldy" Smith used Salona as his divisional headquarters, and the Vermont Brigade encamped on and around the Smoot property.  (The present-day owner of historic Salona was also present).  Doug Mackall is the descendant of William W. Mackall, a Confederate general who lived in the McLean area after the war.  The home of Doug's distant relative, Dr. Richard Mackall, became brigade headquarters for Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock.  The DC area is often viewed as transient, but people like Dan and Doug remind us that some families have deep roots dating back more than 150 years.  Who could have imagined that in 2013 a transplant from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania would be speaking about local citizens who were so deeply affected by the Civil War in front of their very descendants? 

Detail from 1862 Union Army map showing the area where the divisions of "Baldy" Smith and George McCall established Camps Griffin and Pierpont, respectively.  The Mackall and Smoot properties are plainly visible in the center of the map.

The audience engaged in a lively Q&A session, and I also had time to speak one-on-one with some of the attendees following the main event.  A woman from McLean informed me that just the other day she found three Civil War bullets in her yard!  Others told me about some recent relic discoveries on a large plot of land near my house which apparently confirm the existence of a Union Army campsite.  Another attendee alerted me to a book about the experiences of the Comte de Paris, who served on George B. McClellan's staff.  Entitled Voyage en Amérique 1861-1862 : Un prince français dans la guerre de Sécession (2011), the book devotes considerable attention to the Comte's time in Northern Virginia.  I plan to order a copy soon and see what gems I can uncover.  I'll let readers know in future posts. 

This was my second time speaking before the MHS, and I enjoyed every minute of it.  I also walked away with some interesting stories and insights from those who attended.  Thanks to all who came to hear about the camps!

"Baldy" Smith's Division and Dranesville

Today marks the 151st anniversary of the Battle of Dranesville.  I've written a few times about this engagement that pitted Gen. E.O.C. Ord's brigade of Pennsylvania Reserves against a smaller force under Gen. Jeb Stuart.  I even authored the lead piece on the battle for the Civil War Trust's website.  Not too long ago historian John Hennessy sent me a period newspaper article that has shed some additional light on the events surrounding the fight at Dranesville.

Ord's men, accompanied by the famed Bucktails and a force of artillery and cavalry, set off from Camp Pierpont in Langley, Virginia during the early morning hours of December 20, 1861.  Gen. George A. McCall, commander of the Pennsylvania Reserves, ordered Gen. John F. Reynold's brigade to follow in support.  Ord ran into Stuart's men at the tiny hamlet of Dranesville, and a brisk fight ensued.  Reynold's troops, who were stopped at Difficult Run along the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike (VA-193), marched towards the battlefield.  Gen. George G. Meade's brigade of Reserves also left Langley and headed down the pike to Dranesville.  Both brigades arrived too late to participate in the fight, which resulted in a Union tactical victory.

The role that Reynolds and Meade played (or did not play) is well known.  Thanks to the article that John Hennessy sent my way, I recently learned that the Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division also got involved in the day's events.  Smith's men were quartered for the winter at Camp Griffin, in the same general vicinity as Camp Pierpont (today's McLean, Virginia).  His command included the Vermont Brigade and another brigade under Gen. Winfield S. Hancock.  According to a December 24, 1861 account from a soldier-correspondent of the 6th Vermont:

On Thursday last, Gen. McCall had a fight with some 8000 of the enemy.*  About one o'clock, on that day, our brigade was drawn up, together with Gen. Hancock's brigade, the batteries of [Capt. Thaddeus] Mott and [Capt. Romeyn] Ay[res], also some Maine regiments, for the purpose of proceeding to the scene of action and if possible to flank the enemy on their retreat. ** We marched at a rapid pace some ten or twelve miles in the vicinity of Hunter's Mills and Drainsville [sic], but come to a sudden halt on account of a bridge being burnt.  All we had to do was to "about face" and march back, reaching camp a little before eight, tired enough to rest.  The next morning at four we were tramped out on picket. ("A March," Vermont Journal (Windsor), Jan. 4, 1862, courtesy of John Hennessy.)

This article intrigued me, as I didn't recall coming across any references to Smith's men playing a role, however remote, in the engagement at Dranesville.  I at once searched for additional references and found a letter that Corporal Dan Mason, Co. D, 6th Vermont sent to his fiancee, Harriet B. Clark.  The facts in this correspondence closely track the details from the Vermont Journal article.  On December 27, 1861, Mason wrote:

I dare say you have heard of the battle at Drainsville a few days since We heard the firing from our camp. Gen McCalls division of Penn soldiers went out in the morning on a foraging & scouting expedition (this Div is encamped about a mile north of our camp) Our division started about 2 oclock P M. to assist them if nessessary We marched 12 miles we came to a branch of the Potomac the rebels had burned the bridge so that we were compelled to face about & march homeward the boys were in the best of spirits until the order to about face came. that made them look disappointed quite a number fell out by the way & were picked up the ambulances which follow an army to pick up those that are wounded or sick & are not able to march. . . . (spelling and grammar as in original; courtesy of Vermont Historical Society, On-Line Collection of Dan Mason Letters.)

Co. D, 6th Vermont Volunteer Infantry at Camp Griffin (courtesy of Library of Congress)

Both of these accounts explain that the march to Dranesville was interrupted when Smith's men stumbled upon a destroyed bridge.  Given that the Pennsylvania Reserves moved freely back and forth along the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike, including the portion that crosses the Potomac tributary of Difficult Run, it appears that Smith's men took a different route towards Dranesville.  Their line of march towards Dranesville may have continued due west from Camp Griffin (today's McLean) in the direction of Hunter's Mills, or could have turned northwest onto the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (current VA-7).  Both routes passed over creeks, and Confederate soldiers may very well have burned the bridge at any of the crossings.  (For a detailed map, see here.)

The mobilization of Smith's men on the afternoon of December 20 makes sense.  A fight had erupted at Dranesville between a Union brigade and a Confederate force of unknown size.  As word reached the camps around Langley, Smith took action to render assistance to the Pennsylvania Reserves.  Of course, Ord beat Stuart without needing help from other brigades.  In any event, Smith's men were blocked at the site of a burned down bridge, and it is unclear how much they could have contributed that day.

Notes

*The Battle of Dranesville occurred on a Friday, not a Thursday.  The correspondent greatly exaggerated the size of Stuart's force, which consisted of 1,600 infantry, 150 cavalry, and a four-gun battery of artillery.  (OR, 1:5, 490.)
**"Our brigade" means the Vermont Brigade.  Two Maine regiments --the 6th and 7th Maine-- belonged to Smith's division. The 6th Maine was part of Hancock's brigade.  (See George B. McClellan, Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (1864).)

The Johnston Family and Benvenue: A Story of Civilians and the War in Northern Virginia, Part II

A couple weeks ago I wrote about a family who lived in my neck of the woods during the Civil War.  John R. Johnston purchased the 198-acre property known as "Benvenue" in 1858.  Within a few years, sectional tensions began to mount in Northern Virginia.  Johnston voted for the Ordinance of Secession in May 1861, but was anything but a Southern firebrand.  He explained to his wife that he felt pressured to vote for secession because he feared what would happen to him if he were viewed as pro-Union.  As the contending armies mobilized, Johnston largely kept to himself and tried to avoid the conflict swirling about him.  Like so many other civilians in Fairfax County, however, Johnston would soon get caught in the tempest of war.

Since the start of September 1861, the Union division of Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith had been encamped on the Virginia side of the Chain Bridge, only a few miles from Johnston's farm.  On October 9, 1861, Smith pushed his men westward through Langley and occupied the area around Lewinsville.  The Pennsylvania Reserves under Gen. George A. McCall crossed the river at Chain Bridge on the same day and marched to Langley.  Johnston's property sat right in the middle of the Union Army's advance.
 

Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock (courtesy of Old Pictures)

Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock commanded a brigade in Smith's division.*  As Hancock's men set up their camp, Johnston's home was seized for use as a hospital.  On October 10, Alfred Castleman, the surgeon of the 5th Wisconsin, noted in his diary:

We have had much trouble and vexation to-day in establishing medical headquarters for the regiments of our brigade, but after much ordering of us and changing of orders, we are at last to take charge of the stone house of Mr. Jno. N. Johnson, in which, and in the tents we are able to pitch, we hope to make comfortable all the sick of our brigade.  (Castleman 41-42.)**

J. Harry Thompson, the surgeon of the 43rd New York, later recalled:

The house of Mr. John R. Johnston was taken as a hospital and devoted with all its furniture, beds, bedding, carpets, linens, towling, kitchen and other utensils and all the material usually appertaining to a household to the care of the sick and wounded of General Hancock's brigade and in fact of Gen. Wm. F. Smith's division. . . . (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC file, 68.)

Alfred Castleman, surgeon of the 5th Wisconsin (courtesy of Wisconsin Historical Society)

A soldier-correspondent from the 49th Pennsylvania mentioned Johnston's house in a letter to his hometown paper:  "We occupy a fine country residence for Hospital purposes, which affords accommodation for 75 patients."  (Lancaster Daily Express, Dec. 17, 1861.)***   According to some sources, male nurses lived in a board and batten cottage behind the stone house.  (Hatch 87; Herrick 18.)  This building still stands today on the Benvenue property along Churchill Road in McLean. 

Around the same time the Union Army was converting his home into a field hospital, Johnston saw his farmland occupied by thousands of Union soldiers.  The Bucktails of McCall's division were some of the first men to arrive.  (S. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44.)  Their encampment formed a portion of the Pennsylvania Reserves' Camp Pierpont.  The 5th Wisconsin and 43rd New York from Hancock's brigade also established their camp at Benvenue.  (J.D. Crocker Test., Johnston SCC File, 28; S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44; J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 62.)  The 6th Maine and 49th Pennsylvania -- the other two regiments in Hancock's brigade -- may likewise have encamped on Johnston's farm, although the evidence is less certain.  (J.D. Crocker Test., Johnston SCC File, 28; S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44.)****  The regimental camps of Hancock's brigade belonged to Camp Griffin of Smith's division.

Sometime in October 1861 Johnston moved his wife and three children to the safety and security of Georgetown, D.C.  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 13.)  The exact timing is uncertain given contradictory accounts in the Southern Claims Commission (SCC) file.  Surgeon Thompson indicates that Johnston's wife and children went to Georgetown only after their house was taken for use as a hospital.  (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 63.)   According to testimony from a neighbor, however, Marcia Johnston only learned that the Union Army was advancing during the course of her flight to Georgetown.  (J. Burke Test., Johnston SCC File, 38.)  In any event, her husband remained behind on the farm.  The Union Army permitted him to travel "at his pleasure" to Georgetown, and Johnston visited his family about once every two weeks.  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 16.)*****

The presence of so many Union soldiers had a devastating impact on Johnston's farm.  Potatoes and cabbage disappeared not long after the troops arrived.  Looking for an alternative to salt pork and hardtack, the solders also shot and skinned all of Johnston's pigs.  Teams of soldiers cut down acres of timber and ripped apart fencing.  They hauled the wood away by the wagon load for use in campfires and the construction of huts.  The soldiers also took all of Johnston's hay and corn to feed to their horses and mules.

The old stone farmhouse likewise sustained damage.  Thompson remembered that by the time Hancock's brigade left several months later, the house was "to all intents and purposes, practically destroyed."  (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 68.)  The soldiers even left inscriptions on the attic rafters that are still visible to this day.

For all the destruction going on around him, Johnston apparently remained on good terms with the Union soldiers.  His wife remembered that "[s]oon as the Union troops came, he became their friend and they treated him kindly."  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 19.)  Union officers even traveled to Georgetown with Johnston.  Castleman considered Johnston "a loyalist."  (Castleman 42.)  The surgeon made the doubtful claim that "every article [Johnston] had to dispose of was bought and paid for, at high prices, by the soldiers."  (Castleman 42.)  In fact, Johnston was told to get receipts for the property if he wanted to get paid, and his farm manager later testified that Johnston was not paid compensation at the time.  (S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43.)

Johnston gained some name recognition on the Northern homefront.  A rise on the backside of his farm was known as "Johnston's Hill."  The Union soldiers encamped near Langley and Lewinsville, including the Pennsylvania Reserves and the Vermont Brigade, often held military reviews and parades on the flat ground in front of the hill.******  The name "Johnston's Hill" appeared frequently in news stories about the camps.  In one account, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin reviewed the Pennsylvania Reserves at Johnston's Hill following their victory at Dranesville in December 1861.  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)

The Union soldiers remained on Johnston's farm throughout the winter of 1861-62.  On March 10, 1862, Gen. George B. McClellan set the Army of the Potomac in motion upon receiving intelligence that the Confederates had evacuated their position around Centreville.  The Pennsylvania Reserves and Smith's Division struck camp and joined the army's general movement to the west.

Johnston surely breathed a sigh of relief as tens of thousands of Federal troops marched away from his farm and neighborhood.  Other Union soldiers would later pass through the area or perform picket duty there, but Johnston never again saw massive encampments like those he experienced during the first winter of the war.  In early September 1862, units from Gen. Franz Sigel's corps took hay and potatoes from Johnston's farm and provided him with the receipts to prove it.  (Receipt, Co. K, 1st Ohio Light Artillery & Receipt, 68th N.Y., Johnston SCC File, 3-4.)

In November 1862 Johnston finally went to Georgetown to join his family.  He died three weeks later, on December 11, at the young age of thirty-five.  (The cause of death is unknown.)  Johnston was buried in Oak Hill Cemetery in Georgetown.  Johnston's widow only returned to Benvenue in the summer of 1865, where she saw first-hand the dramatic impact that the war had on her family's farm.

Several years after the Civil War, Marcia Johnston filed a claim with the SCC in the amount of $5,754.  She even claimed $120 for rent of Benvenue as a hospital between October 1861 and March 1862.  Unfortunately, the Commissioners found "no sufficient justification" for Johnston's vote in support of secession despite evidence of his loyalty, and the claim was denied.  (Johnston SCC File, 73.)

Johnston's tale resonates with me on a personal level.  After all, I live on the very land that used to belong to his farm, and Benvenue is a short walk away.  But Johnston's story also has a relevance that extends beyond the immediate community of McLean.  Civilians in Fairfax County and elsewhere in Northern Virginia (or elsewhere in the South, for that matter) saw their lives transformed directly by the presence of the armies.  Johnston was one of those ordinary citizens who suffered through extraordinary times.  As a young man, he had purchased a new farm near Langley and set out to improve his lot.  Johnston surely had hopes and dreams for the future.  A few short years later, the forces of war descended on Johnston's property, disrupted his livelihood, deprived him of privacy, and upended his family life.  We are reminded that war was hell of a different kind for civilians, but hell nonetheless.

Notes

*Hancock's brigade originally consisted of the 5th Wisconsin, 43rd New York, 47th Pennsylvania, and 49th Pennsylvania.  At some point in the fall of 1861, the 47th Pennsylvania was replaced by the 6th Maine.  (Jordan 36-37; McClellan 455.)

**Castleman misspelled Johnston's name and also used the wrong middle initial.

***A special thanks to John Hennessy, who sent me a copy of this article. 

****Jonathan D. Crocker, one of Johnston's neighbors, testified to the SCC that aside from the 5th Wisconsin, "a Penna. and a New York regiment were camped" on Johnston's farm, along with "some batteries."  According to Crocker, all of these units were from Hancock's brigade.  Other testimony confirms that the New York regiment was likely the 43rd New York.  The Pennsylvania Regiment could have been the 49th Pennsylvania, or less likely, the 47th Pennsylvania before its transfer to another brigade in Smith's division.  Samuel J. Merchant, Johnston's farm manager, testified that aside from the Bucktails and the 43rd New York, the "9th Penna." and "a Maine regiment" camped on the Johnston farm.  He later referred to the "9th Penna." and the "5th Maine" as part of Hancock's brigade.  The "9th Penna." likely means the 49th Pennsylvania; the 9th Pennsylvania was not part of Hancock's brigade.  An alternative theory is that the 9th Penna. was the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves of McCall's division.  Moreover, there was no 5th Maine under Hancock. Instead, Merchant must have meant the 6th Maine or even the 5th Wisconsin.  Merchant's testimony was taken in 1877, so his recollection of the exact regiments may have been flawed due to the passage of time.

*****It is unclear whether Johnston resided in the main house on his property or in some other structure.

******Johnston's Hill is located along and to the east of the upper part of Pine Hill Road in McLean.  The parade ground was roughly located on the site of the present-day Madison of McLean townhouse community along Madison McLean Dr. off of Rt. 123. (See here for a map.)  I plan to explore the story of the parade ground in a future post.

Sources

Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac, Behind the Scenes: A Diary of Unwritten History (1863); Winslow R. Hatch, Old Roads and New Insights: Adventures in Discovery (1985); Carole L. Herrick, Images of America: McLean (2011); Historical Marker Database, "Benvenue;" "John Richards Johnston," at findagrave.com; David M. Jordan, Winfield Scott Hancock: A Soldier's Life (1988); Lancaster Daily Express, Dec. 17, 1861; George B. McClellan, Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (1864); Phila. Press, Dec. 14, 1861; Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861; Southern Claims Commission File for Marcia Johnston, #22121, available at fold3.com ("Johnston SCC File"); J.R. Sypher, History of the Pennsylvania Reserves Corps (1865); Wisconsin Historical Society, "Alfred Lewis Castleman," Dictionary of Wisconsin History.

The Future of Salona: Preserving a Local Civil War Site

This past Thursday the Salona Task Force held a public meeting on the future of the historic Salona property in McLean, Virginia.  By my own estimate, a few hundred interested citizens came to the event at the McLean Community Center.  The meeting gave the Task Force the opportunity to showcase various proposals for the development of the site and to solicit feedback from the community.

Readers may recall that the Salona house was the site of Union General William F. "Baldy" Smith's headquarters from October 1861 to March 1862.  Regiments from the Vermont Brigade of Smith's division stayed on the surrounding land, which was part of Camp Griffin.  And the property's historic significance is not limited to the Civil War.  President James Madison likely spent the night at Salona when the British attacked and burned Washington during the War of 1812. 

Fairfax County acquired a perpetual conservation easement on a 41.5-acre section of Salona in 2005.  The easement protects the historic property, while at the same time permitting limited recreational use on ten acres.  A couple of years ago, the county released a draft master plan for Salona.  This document tried to be all things to all people.  The proposed plan called for two rectangular athletic fields, a 100-space parking lot, a dog park, a playground, a picnic area, educational and environmental features, historical interpretation, and trails.

The Salona house, adjacent to the proposed park land.  The 7.8-acre residential core of Salona is protected by a perpetual easement granted to the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors in 1971.  Salona is listed on the National Register of Historic Places and the Virginia Landmarks Register.

A photograph of Salona by George Houghton, taken when the house was being used as Baldy Smith's headquarters (courtesy of Vermont Historical Society).

 

A view of the meadowland at Salona from Rt. 123.

Not surprisingly, in 2011 Fairfax decided to kick the issue to a Task Force, which was charged with reaching out to the community and developing recommendations for the park.  The Task Force includes representatives from every conceivable interest connected with Salona.  Members hail from the McLean Citizens Associations, McLean Youth Athletics, the Greater McLean Chamber of Commerce, the Fairfax County History Commission, the Northern Virginia Conservation Trust, the conservation grantors (DuVal family), and the surrounding neighborhood.

A Fairfax County historical marker on Salona was installed in 2010.  (See here for more information.)

The Task Force has an unenviable job.  A split has developed in the community between the local youth sports movement and preservation-minded citizens.  The proponents of the athletic fields apparently have gained quite a following.  In fact, their on-line petition has garnered nearly 1,200 signatures.  At the public meeting the other day, the soccer dads and moms came out in full force with their uniform-clad children in tow.

Granted, McLean's population is growing, and kids need a place to play sports.  However, Salona is not the place for athletic fields (or dog parks, for that matter).  The property is one of the last surviving parcels of open land in McLean.  The meadows fronting Rt. 123 look much like they did 150 years ago.  The historic home sits nearby.  The conservation easement represents a tremendous opportunity for the county to prevent the disappearance of a historically significant piece of land. 

Any plans for Salona must preserve the sense of place that makes the property so special.  Walking in the new Salona park should carry visitors to another time and allow for an exploration of the site's storied past.  Two athletic fields and a large parking lot would do anything but that.  Some critics likely see no point in preserving old meadows.  But that argument misses the point.  Preservation goes beyond just protecting an important structure like the Salona house, but takes into account historic viewsheds.  The scenic features at Salona are an integral component of the property from a historical standpoint; the county's final plans should respect and maintain that landscape.

At Thursday's meeting, the Task Force took a unique approach to educating the public about the possible uses for Salona.  Each room at the community center featured exhibits on a variety of proposals for the park's development.  Task Force members and community groups were on hand to discuss these options with the public.  Attendees also had the opportunity to complete opinion forms that the Task Force will use when assessing the community's views. 

If anything, the meeting demonstrated that historic preservation goals can work hand-in-hand with some of the proposed plans for Salona.  The Fairfax County Public Schools, for example, would like to use Salona as a living classroom for science and history education.  One firm has proposed the construction of a multi-purpose building using the latest in green technology.  The small, discrete structure, which would resemble a farm outbuilding, could function like a museum on the history of Salona.  Interpretive trails installed across the property make sense, as do occasional living history encampments.  Other ideas, such as developing a self-sustaining farm at Salona, seem a bit of a stretch.  And the proposed athletic fields, although technically consistent with the terms of the easement, run counter to the spirit of properly honoring Salona's past.  Overall, however, the community's use and enjoyment of Salona need not be at odds with historic preservation.

The ball is now in the Task Force's court to make the appropriate recommendations for Salona.  Following Thursday's meeting, and months of input from community groups, the Task Force is well positioned to find a solution, however difficult that may be.  Members are well aware of the need to develop Salona in a way that comports with the property's historical significance.  Doing the right thing may not be popular with everyone, but Salona's future depends ultimately on our respect for the past.

A London Paper Features Some Local Sites

Last year I began to collect Civil War-era newspapers.  Not surprisingly, I have focused on papers that cover events in and around Northern Virginia and Washington.  I am particularly interested in newspapers that feature lesser-known aspects of the conflict in my neck of the woods.  These editions also tend to be cheaper than the papers that discuss the larger battles, like Second Manassas or Gettysburg.  Given the presence of on-line sellers such as eBay and Timothy Hughes, collecting old newspapers has never been easier.

I had my eye for quite some time on an October 12, 1861 edition of The Illustrated London News that contains one of the few, if only, contemporary engravings related to the September 11, 1861 Battle of Lewinsville.  Imagine my delight when I finally located an original copy on the eBay store, librariavitae.   The price also suited my fancy, and I quickly placed my order.

An entire page is dedicated to the engraving, which is entitled, The War in America: Bringing in the Federal Wounded After the Skirmish at Lewinsville, Virginia.  Based on commentary from the paper's special artist dated September 23, 1861, I've confirmed that the Lewinsville engraving depicts a scene following the September 11 engagement, and not the September 25 skirmish at the same location.

The text accompanying the illustration states:

Just as the wounded were being brought in General [George B.] M'Clellan reached the ground with an Aide-de-Camp and an escort of dragoons. He raised his hat as each poor fellow was borne from the ambulance to the hospital; and many whose eyes were fast glazing in death raised themselves in the arms of those who bore them and smiled a last smile at their young and beloved General.

As I've learned during the course of my research on Lewinsville, McClellan indeed greeted the Federal column returning from the skirmish.  (See, e.g., Hazard Stevens, The Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, Vol. II, p. 332 (1900)). However, The Illustrated London News added a touch of melodrama.  Only three Union soldiers died in the engagement, and they appear to have been killed on the spot.  (OR, 1:5, 173, 177, 180.)  The wounded were brought back to camp, but they were not on the verge of death as the paper wanted readers to believe. 

Presumably the scene was sketched close to Camp Advance, where the Union force returned from Lewinsville following the engagement.  Tents are clearly visible to center of the engraving, above Little Mac's head.  A defensive work appears to crown the hilltop to the upper left.  Ft. Marcy dominated the area around Camp Advance, but would have sat to the south of the road from Lewinsville, or to the right of the engraving.  The picture may depict Ft. Ethan Allen, which sat to the left of a road leading away from Ft. Marcy and Lewinsville.  (See map here.)  A few of the regiments involved at Lewinsville, including the 2nd Vermont, 19th Indiana, and 79th New York, helped to build Ft. Ethan Allen and were stationed nearby.  (See Benjamin Franklin Cooling III & Walton H. Owen II, Mr. Lincoln's Forts: A Guide to the Civil War Defenses of Washington (2010 ed.)).

The newspaper also contains an engraving entitled, The War in America: The Chain-Bridge Across the Potomac Above Georgetown, Looking Towards the Virginian Shore. 

The accompanying commentary notes:

The two great armies still stand at bay on the lines of the Potomac, and the chain-bridge across that river, above Georgetown, of which an Illustration by our Special Artist is given below, is a position of great interest just now, as the Confederates are continually making threatening movements in the neighbourhood, either with the intention of destroying the bridge or of crossing by it into Maryland. On the heights on the Virginian shore are seen the tents of the Federal advance, which throws out pickets to a distance of two miles beyond. The Maryland end of the bridge is commanded by an upper and a lower battery, both of them very strong positions.

I really like this engraving, which offers a spectacular view of Chain Bridge and the Virginia side of the river. The tents apparently mark the location of Camp Advance, which was established at the start of September 1861 by men under Union Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith.  I am continually looking for information on the exact location of Camp Advance, and this engraving sheds further light on where Smith's men gained a toehold in the Old Dominion.  The accompanying text also references Confederate actions around Chain Bridge.  I've read about encounters between Confederate and Union pickets in the vicinity of the bridge during the fall of 1861, but am not familiar with Confederate plans to destroy the bridge or attempt a crossing in front of two batteries and countless Federal infantrymen.  I'll need to dig a little deeper on these early picket wars.

I really treasure owning this newspaper given its connections to local Civil War history.  I am reminded that what was happening in the present-day suburbs of DC once captured the world's attention.  Even a small engagement like Lewinsville made the London papers in the days before bigger battles like Antietam and Shiloh.  And a simple wooden bridge to Virginia held strategic significance that foreign editors could not deny.