A New Project in the Works

A couple of months ago, I took my boys to the Fairfax Station Railroad Museum. I previously wrote about this historic treasure on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the Second Manassas Campaign. The countryside surrounding the railroad station became one major field hospital following the fights at Bull Run and Chantilly in 1862. Clara Barton rushed from Washington City and helped tend to the wounded.

The current station dates from 1903 and hosts frequent model train displays. The museum also has exhibits on the history of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, particularly during the Civil War. I've taken my sons there a few times. We are all train buffs, and the place has become a real family favorite.

After my last visit, the museum contacted me via my blog Facebook page. They put me in contact with Michael Chinworth, a volunteer who serves as the Vice President of the Friends of Fairfax Station. Michael asked if I was interested in helping the museum with various activities, including research, exhibits, and programming. I jumped at the opportunity. What better way to make a contribution to local Civil War and railroad history?

The Fairfax Station Railroad Museum, a stop along the Civil War Trails in Northern Virginia

Currently I am assisting with research on the civilian population around Fairfax Station just prior to and during the Civil War. I also hope to dig into the lives of the ordinary soldiers who protected the O&A R.R. Another possible avenue of exploration is the experience of slaves and Irish immigrants who worked on the railroad in the antebellum period. We hope to use this research in drafting a comprehensive historical guide on the station. The work may also form the basis of temporary exhibits or be made available on the museum's website.

I'd like to put a call to my readers as well. If you know anything about the area during the Civil War era, please feel free to email me and we can talk. In the meantime, if things are a little slower here as of late, it is likely because I am knee deep in old records about soldiers and civilians!

Civil War History & Wine -- a Great Combination!

Living in Northern Virginia has its perks. After all, Civil War history surrounds us everywhere. As a added bonus, wineries dot the rolling countryside just beyond the inner suburbs. On Father's Day, my wife and children took me to The Winery at Bull Run, which offers the best of both worlds. Opened in 2012 by Jon and Kim Hickox. the winery sits on land adjacent to the Manassas National Battlefield Park and the famous Stone Bridge.

During the Civil War, the property was the site of Hillwood. The Weir family, who owned the estate at the time, lived at their nearby plantation known as Liberia and left the property in the hands of a tenant or caretaker. (Liberia served as Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard's headquarters around the time of First Manassas.  Gen. Irvin McDowell also did a stint there in 1862.) On July 21, 1861, soldiers under then-Colonels William T. Sherman and Erasmus Keyes marched across Hillwood on their way to ford Bull Run and join the Union attack. Capt. James Carlisle's battery of U.S. artillery also took position on the ridge line at Hillwood. During Second Manassas in August 1862, Confederate troops under A.P. Hill crossed the property en route to link up with the remainder of Stonewall Jackson's wing of the Army of Northern Virginia. As the Union forces retreated across the Stone Bridge following their defeat on August 30, they too passed by Hillwood. In other words, this land is an important piece of the story of both battles.

Following the devastation of the Civil War, the property was returned to family farming and other economic activities. The Hickox family purchased the land in 2008 and set to work on establishing their winery. Today, the winery's two vineyards are planted with Norton and Traminette varieties. The Winery at Bull Run also farms grapes on 115-acres in Rappahannock County, Virginia.

The remains of the Hillwood house (c. 1840s/50s) on the winery grounds. A fire nearly destroyed the historic structure in 1990. In 2008, Jon Hickox took down the damaged walls but preserved the foundation.

The Tasting Room represents two styles of Virginia barns. The darker wood structure built of reclaimed stone and wood is about the same size as the 19th century barn that stood at Hillwood. The white structure is typical of the 1920s dairy barns that were seen across Northern Virginia until the 1950s. 

The Tasting Room at the winery features display cases filled with relics that were found on the property and at other places nearby. Pictured above is a variety of artifacts from a field hospital that was located in front of the Hillwood house.

Additional artifacts in the Tasting Room, including artillery shells, Minie balls, and a State of New York belt buckle.

A view over the vineyard. Both Union and Confederate troops crossed this property at the time of the fighting at Manassas in July 1861 and August 1862. US-29, the Warrenton Turnpike during the war, is beyond the distant treeline.

What I believe to be a reconstructed winter cabin, similar to those used by Confederates in Centreville during the winter of 1861-62. 

One of several historical markers placed on the grounds at the winery. This one has a rather fanciful depiction of Hillwood, the Stone Bridge, and environs, during First Manassas.

The Winery at Bull Run represents a successful marriage of preservation and agricultural tourism. Large swaths of commercial and residential development have largely spoiled this part of Northern Virginia; the Hickoxes ensured that the pastoral and historic landscape of Hillwood would be preserved for generations to come. An outing to the winery is a must for any Civil War enthusiast. And the allure of wine tasting will make it easy for other family members to indulge in your love of history.

Sources & More Information
Local historian Chuck Mauro has written an interesting history of the Hillwood property and winery. The booklet is available for purchase at the winery's Tasting Room.

For more information on visiting The Winery at Bull Run, go to the vineyard's website here.

The Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen Extends a Helping Hand

As I discussed extensively in a series of posts last year, the Union Army established contraband camps across Northern Virginia in late May and early June 1863. Although the military had primary responsibility for running the camps in Virginia and elsewhere, private charitable organizations also took action to assist the former slaves who were quartered there. As one historian has written, "[t]he philanthropic shock troops came south and performed their humanitarian services to relieve the nation and themselves of a pressing moral burden." (Magdol 92.) One particular group of Friends (or Quakers) focused its efforts on the camps in Northern Virginia throughout 1864.

On January 6 of that year, a large number of Friends assembled at the Race Street Meeting House in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The group, "[i]mpressed with the immediate need of attention to the welfare of the colored people in our country liberated from bondage," founded the "Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen." (First Annual Rpt. 3.) The assembly adopted a constitution and chose an Executive Board and Finance Committee. On the same day, the Executive Board established a committee for the "judicious distribution of supplies." (First Annual Rpt. 3.) The board also introduced a "proposition. . . to send teachers among the freed people, which was considered and referred to the Association, recommending the appointment of an Educational Committee to unite with one from the Board." (First Annual Rpt. 3-4.) The Educational Committee was finally appointed in March and continued to operate until the association decided to entrust sole responsibility for education to the Executive Board's own committee.

The Race Street Meeting House (1856) in Philadelphia (courtesy of Society of Friends (Quakers) Meeting Houses and Schools).

The Friends' Association aimed to garner the support and cooperation of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends.* The new group distributed an address that was read at monthly meetings and other gatherings of the Yearly Meeting. As the First Annual Report of the Friends' Association reported:

The response to this appeal gave encouragement to believe that the continued aid of Friends would be freely given in the work before us, and, therefore, with renewed earnestness, we made preparations to hear the cries of the needy, and, according to our means and ability, to endeavor to relieve their sufferings. (First Annual Rpt. 3.)

In February 1864, the Executive Board, "[w]ith the view of ascertaining the appropriate field for operation. . . requested the Corresponding Secretary to communicate with agents and other persons in portions of the Southern States where the freed people had collected, enquiring concerning their condition." (First Annual Rpt. 4.) A couple months later, two members visited contraband facilities in Gen. Benjamin Butler's Department of Virginia and North Carolina. In the end, the Friends' Association opted "to concentrate [its] labors in the neighborhood of Washington." (First Annual Rpt. 4.) The proximity of Washington to Philadelphia may have in part influenced the association's decision. (Friends' Intelligencer 8.)

Lucretia Mott, c. 1860-80 (courtesy of Wikipedia). The noted abolitionist and women's rights activist served on the board of the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen along with her husband, James.

By April 1864, the Friends' Association had begun to distribute supplies to the camps in Northern Virginia. The First Annual Report noted that on April 25, Camp Rucker near Falls Church received:

. . . 7 Colton's maps, 1 Smith's large U. S. Map, 2 school atlases, 1 writing chart, 2 doz. Wilson's First Reader, 2 doz. Wilson's Second Reader, 3 doz. Wilson's Speller, 4 doz. Wilson's Charts, 1—8, 1 doz. Wilson's Charts, 15—16, 1 pt. liquid slating, 4 doz. slates, 200 pencils, 8 brushes, soap, candles, school bell, 1 doz. lamps, 12 doz. thimbles. 40 spools of cotton, 6 papers needles, 6 pieces tape, 4 boxes buttons, 1 package dried fruits; and 134 garments sent from Women's Association. (First Annual Rpt. 21.)

Teachers dispatched by the Friends also began to arrive at camps in the region. Sarah Anne Cadwallader was placed at Camp Rucker that spring. As the First Annual Report informed members of the association, "[g]ood results are apparent from her labors." (First Annual Rpt. 4.)

Today's post begins a periodic series on the Friends' activities at the contraband camps in Alexandria (Arlington) and Fairfax Counties. The association's efforts are an integral part of the story behind the camps. They shed light not only on how charitable organizations supplemented government policies to provide for the economic well-being of emancipated slaves, but they also help us to understand conditions in the camps and the experiences of the contrabands living there. I look forward to retracing the steps of the Friends in Northern Virginia throughout 1864 and beyond.

Note

*For those unfamiliar with the Friends' religious organization, as I was, information on yearly meetings can be found here. A history of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting is available here.

Sources

Assn. of Friends (ed.), Friends' Intelligencer: A Religious and Family Journal, Vol. XXI (1865); Board of Managers, Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen, First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen (1865); Edward Magdol, A Right to the Land: Essays on the Freedmen's Community (1977).

Christmas in Washington, 1863: A Merry Time Was Had by All

As the end of the year 1863 fast approached, Washington City prepared to celebrate Christmas. Citizens in the nation's capital and elsewhere across the North had witnessed some important victories over the last twelve months, although at the cost of far too many dead and wounded. Perhaps the hope for an end to hostilities in the upcoming year took the sting off the awareness that the country was once again celebrating Christmas while divided and at war.

The weather in Washington leading up to the holiday was "quite cold," and "much ice was formed not only on the creeks and ponds, but in the river." (Alex. Gazette, Dec. 28, 1863.) The predicted snowfalls, however, never materialized. Residents woke up on Christmas morning to find "the river was nearly frozen across" to the point where "navigation became impeded." (Alex. Gazette, Dec. 28, 1863.)

"Christmas, 1863," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 26, 1863 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)

Despite the cold and frosty weather, the residents of the nation's capital got out and celebrated the holiday with cheer and "remarkable good order for so large and miscellaneous a population as Washington city now shelters." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) As the Washington Evening Star reported:

Most of the business places were closed, and trade was for the time suspended, and all had the one end in view -- enjoyment. The restaurants and saloons were open and large bowls of the favorite Christmas drink, "egg-nogg," displayed upon innumerable sideboards, invited the attention of drinkers. The street cars ran all day, and many availed themselves of the opportunity to enjoy a ride and visit their friends about the city and Georgetown. But Washington never experienced a more quiet and orderly Christmas, and there was no evidence whatever of rowdyism. The day passed off admirably, and in many churches the people assembled in the morning to celebrate in a religious manner the natal day of the Saviour. . . . The theatres too were open, and attracted large audiences, both afternoon and evening. (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.)

Curiously, the same edition of the Evening Star indicates a few episodes of "rowdyism" involving African-Americans in the northern part of the city. Either the editor missed the inconsistencies, or the paper drew a divide based on race when tallying incidents of rowdyism.

Campbell Army Hospital (courtesy of N.I.H.)

Patients at the U.S. military hospitals in Washington also marked the holiday, and several political dignitaries attended the festivities to offer their support. The Evening Star described the scene at Campbell Hospital, located at the northern boundary of 5th and 6th Street, N.W.:

Previously to partaking of the dinner the visitors were shown through the buildings and grounds, finding all the hospital department in admirable order -- the men in each ward having apparently tried to outdo those of the others in decorating their wards, and in some the decorations were very tasty, consisting of colored paper, cut into a variety of shapes, evergreens, etc. In all the wards were well arranged aquariums, containing a variety of beautiful fish. The company assembled in the reading-room while the tables in the dining-room were being prepared, where they were regaled with excellent music from the band of the 14th N.H. regiment. (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.)

Dinner was served at 3 o'clock. Sen. Jacob Collamer of Vermont "urg[ed] the soldiers to remember that in this war, more than in any other, had they the sympathies of the people who rejoice with them that the beginning of the end is approaching." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) The 200 patients and their guests partook in "an excellent dinner, consisting of turkeys, chickens, oysters, a variety of vegetables, pies, cakes, &c." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) Afterwards, "a band of minstrels gave a concert, followed by a short play, and a promenade to the music of the band closed the festivities." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.)

Sen. Charles Sumner of Massachusetts visited the patients at Emory Hospital, east of the Capitol. The Evening Star reported:

After a sumptuous dinner had been partaken of, the visitors were entertained with a concert of Ethiopian and other melodies by the soldiers. These entertainments have been found to have a good effect on the patients. (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.)

Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, Senator Edwin Morgan of New York, and Senator Henry Wilson of Massachusetts all visited Stanton Hospital (along I Street, N.W. between 2nd and 3rd Streets, N.W.). The entire place "was dressed in evergreens with admirable taste." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) The Secretary made a few patriotic remarks to the assembled patients:

Soldiers, I hope that when the next anniversary of the day you are now celebrating occurs, that this war will be ended, and you will have returned to your homes and your firesides. When you shall have so returned, you will be considered as honored guests of the nation. You have periled your lives upon the battle-field, or you have suffered in camps from the ravages of disease incidental to great armies. . . .

 . . . If we can end this rebellion with the extinction of Slavery, will it not be a great triumph? You will, at the end of this great rebellion, when making a review of it, have the satisfaction of knowing that you have aided the Government of the United States in discharging the duties incumbent on that Government when it was in peril. And, furthermore, you will experience the feeling that you have materially aided to make the country free. (N.Y. Times, Dec. 29, 1863.)

The men greeted Stanton's speech with applause, and Morgan then made a short speech, which was likewise "well received." (N.Y. Times, Dec. 29, 1863.) The soldiers at Stanton Hospital also enjoyed a full Christmas meal.

Similar celebrations occurred at other hospitals around town. Senator Morgan appeared at Douglas Hospital, where 300 patients ate Christmas dinner. Meanwhile, "[t]he patients at Lincoln Hospital. . .were gratified by a visit from Senator Sumner." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) Armory Square Hospital "was decorated for the occasion, and was well supplied with tables loaded down with all the desirable delicacies and substantials." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.) Patients there presented the chaplain with a "handsome gold watch." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 26, 1863.)

By all accounts, Christmas 1863 in the nation's capital was celebrated with as much merriment as a people at war could muster. The sick and wounded at the Union military hospitals also enjoyed a welcome change from the everyday routine. As the skies turned rainy towards the end of December and 1864 began, civilians and soldiers alike faced a hard year ahead. And yet another Christmas would come and go before the nation would celebrate the holidays united once more.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, Dec. 28, 1863; N.Y. Times, Dec. 29, 1863; Washington Evening Star, Dec. 26, 1863; R.D. Winthrop, "The War Hospitals, 1861-1865, Washington, DC," available at PA-Roots.

Thanksgiving 1863 in Washington and Alexandria

President Lincoln issued a proclamation in October 1863 declaring the last Thursday of November as a national day of Thanksgiving. During the countdown to the holiday, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant defeated the Confederate Army of Tennessee in a series of engagements before Chattanooga. News of the Union victories began to appear in newspapers prior to Thanksgiving Day, providing the country with even more reason to give thanks.

Last week, I discussed how the residents of Washington City and Alexandria prepared to mark the Thanksgiving holiday in November 1863. Now, on the eve of our own family celebrations, I'd like to take a look at Thanksgiving Day observances in the two cities.

People in Washington and Alexandria awoke to stunning autumn weather on Thanksgiving morning, November 26. As the Washington National Republican observed: "The day dawned bright and beautiful. The atmosphere was cool and bracing. Every heart, therefore, leaped high with joyous thrillings." (Nov. 27, 1863.) Similarly, the Alexandria Gazette reported on November 27 that "[y]esterday was one of the most delightful days -- as to weather-- we have had this fall."

The Washington Evening Star provided an overview of the holiday in the nation's capital:

Yesterday being Thanksgiving day, it was celebrated by a general suspension of business throughout the city, and in accordance with the recommendation of the authorities was very generally observed. Services of an appropriate character were held at all the churches, and all were well attended. Others celebrated the day by attendance upon one or the other of the place of amusement, all of which were open. The street cars were filled on every trip, mostly by those who took the occasion for a ride from the Navy Yard to Georgetown and intervening points. The day was indeed recognized as one justly set apart for thanksgiving and joy on account of the many victories which have recently crowned the Union arms; and when about 12 o'clock, the extra Star appeared, announcing further victories and new causes of gratulations, the public felt indeed that the day was one for the exchange of gratulations and the pouring out of devout thanksgiving. (Nov. 27, 1863.)

The Gazette was a little less verbose, but also took note of the observance of Thanksgiving in Alexandria:

Business in this place was suspended yesterday. In the Methodist Episcopal, Methodist Protestant, and Christ Church, religious services were held and addresses delivered, and collections taken up for the Federal prisoners confined in Richmond. (Nov. 27, 1863.)

The National Republican devoted considerable space to summarizing the Thanksgiving Day sermons around town. Most notably, at the Calvary Baptist Church, the Rev. T.R. Howlett "preached an eloquent and truly patriotic sermon." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.) He thanked God "for the glorious results of our many victories." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.)  The paper observed that "[o]n this point, the speaker dwelt at some length, referring to several of the most important battles, closing with the last, the glad intelligence of which so appropriately reached the ears of a grateful people this very day." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.) Howlett also reminded his congregation about the meaning of the war :

We should today thank God for the brightening prospects of freedom. The conflict in which we are now engaged is to settle forever the principles of the Declaration of Independence. From the womb of the storm, universal liberty is to be  born. (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.)

"Thanksgiving-Day," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 5, 1863, by Thomas Nast (courtesy of Gilder Lehrman Institute)

The patients in military hospitals throughout the capital also had an opportunity to partake in the Thanksgiving Day festivities. As the National Republican reported:

. . . suffice it to say that a merry time was enjoyed by all -- both patients and invited guests. There was a superfluity of turkeys, roast beef, plum pudding, and all the little etceteras which go to constitute a good sumptuous Thanksgiving dinner. In the afternoon the religious exercises were held by the chaplains, and in two or three a dance was held in the evening. We venture the assertion that the inmates of the hospitals of our city yesterday spent as happy a time as was possible for the surgeons-in-charge and the noble women of our city who act as nurses could possibly make them. (Nov. 27, 1863.)

At Emory Hospital east of the Capitol, "'Do they miss me at home' was on the lips of all." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.) The paper described some of the day's entertainment for the convalescing soldiers:

The band of the 15th New York discoursed the most exquisite music. "Yankee Doodle" and the "Star Spangled Banner" were rendered with a spirit we have seldom seen equalled. (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.) 

The patients even presented assistant surgeon W.H. Ensign with "a splendid silver service, a pitcher, two goblets, and salver, exquisitely and appropriately engraved." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 27, 1863.)

Across the Potomac in Alexandria, the hospitals were also filled with holiday cheer. According to the Gazette, "several of the U.S. Hospitals were decorated, and in all of them, the inmates were provided with repasts." (Nov. 27, 1863.)

As in the previous two years, Thanksgiving provided welcome relief from the everyday routine of civilian and military life in and around the nation's capital. Grant's victories made the holiday that much more meaningful and offered hope for the future. Alas, another Thanksgiving would come and go before the bloodletting would end and the U.S. flag would waive once again over the capital of a reunited country.

On a personal note, I'd like to wish readers Happy Thanksgiving! See you in December! Be forewarned, however, that due to the end of the year rush to make trade deals, things may slow a bit around here next month. Regardless, I have a few good posts in the works that I hope to share.

Sources
Alexandria Gazette, Nov. 27, 1863; Washington Evening Star, Nov. 27, 1863; Washington National Republican, Nov. 27, 1863

Preparing for Thanksgiving in Washington City and Alexandria, November 1863

Thanksgiving is one of my favorite holidays. Each year since starting the blog, I've taken a look at how the day was celebrated in and around the nation's capital at the time of the Civil War. As I wrote a few years ago, Thanksgiving was not yet a national holiday when the war began. Instead, individual states set aside a day in November to give thanks. Soldiers and civilians alike took the opportunity to observe the holiday with food, religious services, and numerous diversions.

This year marks the 150th anniversary of a key event in the history of Thanksgiving. On October 3, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation designating the last Thursday in November "as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficient Father who dwelleth in the Heavens." (Alex. Gazette, Oct. 5, 1863.) This proclamation laid the groundwork for the national holiday that we know today. (The full text of proclamation is available here.)

The country enthusiastically embraced Lincoln's call. By mid-November, the Alexandria Gazette reported:

Large preparations are making at the North for "Thanksgiving Day," 26th of November. Raisons [sic], lemons and grapes, &c., are arriving, opportunely, in vessels from Malaga, &c. (Alex. Gazette, Nov. 13, 1863.)

Residents in Washington found the stores well-stocked for the upcoming holiday. The Perpetual Market on H Street advertised the "finest lot in Washington" of turkeys and other birds for "THANKSGIVING DINNERS." (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 24, 1863.) Meanwhile, the Philadelphia Provision Store on Pennsylvania Avenue offered for sale a "large lot of TURKIES, CHICKENS, DUCKS, and GAME of all kinds." (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 24 1863.) A.M. Bininger & Co., also on Pennsylvania Avenue, announced "FOR THE HOLIDAYS. . . THE MOST COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF WINE AND LIQUORS TO BE FOUND IN THE METROPOLIS." (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863.)

A play on President Lincoln's Thanksgiving Day Proclamation from a merchant in Washington City, Washington Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863

Businesses adopted holiday operating hours in both Washington and Alexandria. The Gazette carried a notice informing readers that due to the "day of Thanksgiving and Prayer," the market in Alexandria would be closed on Thursday, November 26. Instead, the market would remain "open all day on the Wednesday preceding." (Alex. Gazette, Nov. 21, 1863.)  Similarly, the Center Market in Washington was scheduled to be open Wednesday afternoon, the 25th, rather than the next morning. (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863.) Gen. John Slough, the military governor of Alexandria, even issued a notice concerning proper commercial practices on Thanksgiving Day:

Thursday, the 26th inst., having been set apart by the proclamations of the President of the United States and the Governor of the State of Virginia as a day of thanksgiving and praise to Almighty God for his many blessings conferred on us as a people, so that the occasion may be properly observed, all citizens and soldiers in this command are notified that they will be expected, upon that day, to abstain from ordinary business pursuits except those unavoidably necessary. (Alex. Gazette, Nov. 24, 1863.)

No word on whether the provost marshal attempted to enforce Slough's notice, but whatever the case, today's big box retailers could learn a thing or two from our ancestors in 1863 about respecting the Thanksgiving holiday!

Family shopping for Thanksgiving Day turkey, c. 1860s (courtesy of PostersGuide)

The papers contained reminders of the religious nature of the holiday. Among the houses of worship in Washington, the E Street Baptist Church, the Unitarian Church, and the Wesley Chapel placed special notices about Thanksgiving Day services. (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863; Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 25, 1863.) The U.S. Christian Commission "made an appeal to the several pastors and congregations of the District to present the claims of the Commission on Thanksgiving Day, and take up a collection to aid them in their work." (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 25, 1863.)

Thanksgiving Day also provided ample opportunity for fun and entertainment. The Evening Star noted that the Smithsonian Museum would be open to the public on Thanksgiving from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863.) Those who were more theatrically inclined had the option of attending one of the many performances around town. Ford's New Theatre on 10th Street was staging "TWO GRAND PERFORMANCES" of Po-Ca-Hon-Tas, or, Ye Gentle Savage on Thanksgiving Day. (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 25, 1863.) Meanwhile, "THE ENTIRE ITALIAN OPERA COMPANY OF IMPRESARIO GRAU" was performing at Grover's Theatre near Willard's Hotel (today's National Theater). (Wash. Natl. Rep., Nov. 25, 1863.) For the more adventurous and sports-minded, the Meridian Hill House uptown was hosting a "GRAND SHOOTING MATCH" with the prize of a 200-pound "live bear." (Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863.) Readers were reminded that "street cars stop near the house."(Wash. Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1863.)

Thousands of sick and wounded soldiers filled hospitals in Alexandria and Washington. They too would have a chance to celebrate the holiday. As the Gazette observed on November 25:

Preparations are in the making at all the U.S. hospitals in this place, for the observance of to-morrow as a day of thanksgiving. Dinners and refreshments are to be furnished at all of them, and supplies have been received therefor. (Alex. Gazette, Nov. 25, 1863.)

The pages of the local newspapers in November 1863 tell the story of two cities preoccupied with preparations for Thanksgiving Day. Far away in Tennessee, Gen. U.S. Grant stood ready to break the Confederate hold on Chattanooga. By Thanksgiving, the nation would be receiving the blessings of yet another victory in a year that had already witnessed Gettysburg and Vicksburg.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, Oct. 5, Nov. 13, 21, 24, & 25; "Thanksgiving History," Plimouth Plantation (website); Washington Evening Star, Nov. 24 & 25, 1863; Washington National Republican, Nov. 25, 1863.

Visiting Gen. Hancock and the Fortifications on Mackall's Hill

A few weeks ago I wrote about Dr. Richard C. Mackall. By the time of the Civil War, this prominent Maryland-born physician had settled in Fairfax County. His 129-acre farm sat along the road from Chain Bridge to Lewinsville. As the Union Army pushed deeper into the Old Dominion at the start of October 1861, Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock established his headquarters at Mackall's home. Hancock's brigade, consisting of the 5th Wisconsin, 6th Maine, 43rd New York, and 49th Pennsylvania, belonged to William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. Hancock's regiments, along with the others in Smith's division, established Camp Griffin on the farms around Lewinsville. The Union Army arrested Mackall on suspicion of disloyalty. Hancock apparently secured Mackall's release, and the doctor returned afterwards to his childhood home in Maryland.

A war correspondent for the New York Times paid a visit to Hancock's headquarters not long after Smith's advance. His lengthy dispatch, found here, is well worth reading in its entirety. The reporter described Hancock's brigade as sitting at "the extreme western limits of our encampments." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The general was "on the outermost verge -- standing next to the foe, and in his front." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The correspondent made no secret of his admiration for the brigade commander:

The Germans say that "the future of every man is written on his face." If there is not honor and glory broadly written on the face of Gen. HANCOCK, I misinterpret the language of faces. He has a name that would make a man fight, whether he had or had not the will. He evidently has the will, and that is backed by the experience of Cerro Gordo, Molino del Rey, Contreras and Cherubusco.* I have no doubt that he will prove himself, when opportunity occurs, worthy of the post of honor and of danger in which the instinct of Gen. MCCLELLAN has placed him. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)*

The article was not far off the mark, although perhaps I reveal my own biases!


Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock (courtesy of National Portrait Gallery)

The correspondent also observed how the war had dramatically transformed Mackall's property since the arrival of the Union Army:

Even around the outposts, that necessity which knows no law is fiercely predominant. The house in which Gen. HANCOCK has his quarters stands on the pinnacle of the knoll, or cone, I have described. It was originally one of the most comfortable and convenient of any hereabouts. The cone was covered with timber -- not the small, second growth of the surrounding country, but real ancestral oaks -- grand old monarchs of the last century's forests. On all the slope; that faced toward Miner's Hill,** and towards the supposed lurking-place of the enemy, the soldiers have cut away the trees, and turned them into an abattis. Around the house, and half-way up the slope, a deep rifle-pit has been dug, from which thousands of men could deal death upon an advancing line. On the lawn stand Parrott guns and howitzers, and limbers and caissons, and the smooth sod and the walks are tramped up by the picketed horses. It has evidently been the labor and the pride of years. Any one who had dug and delved, and planted and watched, with the hope and the prospect of enjoyment, can appreciate the feelings of one who sees all the labor of years thus cast down, as it were, in an hour. I could but think, as I saw the old trees prostrated, of the little home far away on the peaceful shores of the Hudson, and hope that it might neither witness the carnage nor the devastation of war. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

According to the Times, the Confederates were keeping their distance from the Union lines, but Hancock was unlikely to let them go unchallenged:

Since our army advanced, the enemy have been shy of showing themselves around Lewinsville. Occasionally [Romeyn] AYRES drops a shell where it is possible they may be, or [Thaddeus] MOTT sends to their late haunts a messenger by the mouth of his rifled Parrotts. But they don't respond. Whether they are shy or only sullen, neither AYRES' shell nor MOTT's conicals can determine. If they don't respond soon, it is possible that Gen. HANCOCK may look for them in person, accompanied by a few friends, and I shall hope to be present at the interview. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

Detail of 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia showing property of Dr. Richard C. Mackall along the road  to Lewinsville (courtesy of Library of Congress). The "knoll or cone" mentioned in the New York Times article was known locally as "Mackall's Hill." A present-day map of McLean showing the location of the former Mackall property (in red) can be found here. 

"General Hancock's Headquarters, Artillery in Foreground, Camp Griffin." (A special thanks to the staff at the Vermont Historical Society, who graciously agreed to provide me with a copy of this rare photograph from "A Very Fine Appearance": The Vermont Civil War Photographs of George Houghton by Donald H. Wickman) The Mackall  house sits atop Mackall's Hill in the distant background. At the time Houghton took the photograph, several trees were still standing on the rise. Wickman's book identifies the cannon and limber as possibly belonging to Ayres' Battery F, 5th U.S. Artillery.

Although Hancock and his men never saw much action while encamped near Lewinsville, in October 1861 all eyes were turned to Northern Virginia and the possibility of another major clash between the armies. Meanwhile, civilians like Mackall saw their lives and property radically transformed by the advancing troops. Today Mackall's farm is marked by nondescript commercial and residential development. But 152 years ago, a general destined for greatness at Gettysburg looked out from his perch on that same spot and contemplated his next move.

Notes

*Battles of the Mexican War that took place in 1847 during the U.S. campaign to capture Mexico City.
**Minor's Hill is an elevation located a few miles to the southeast of Mackall's Hill in present-day Arlington County.

Sources

Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library) ("1860 Map"); N.Y. Times, Oct. 11, 1861; N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.

Civil War Fairfax 1863 Exhibition at the Fairfax Museum and Visitor Center

A few weeks ago I finally had the opportunity to see the Civil War Fairfax 1863 exhibition at the Fairfax Museum and Visitor Center. The museum has assembled an impressive array of artifacts to explore the story of the war's third year in Fairfax Court House and the surrounding area. The exhibit covers themes such as emancipation, life in the Union Army camps, partisan warfare, and civilians. Curator Susan Gray, who was nice enough to give me a personal tour of the exhibition, provided some interesting insights into the numerous objects on display.

Any exhibition on 1863 in Fairfax would be incomplete without a section devoted to John Mosby and his Rangers, who rode into the headlines with the daring raid on Fairfax Court House in March of that year. The museum has chosen to showcase some real treasures. One wall is covered with items that were found in Mosby's saddlebags when Union soldiers stole his horse, including papers signed by Turner Ashby and J.E.B. Stuart. Memorabilia from post-war reunions of Mosby's Rangers is also on display.

Entrance to the exhibition, with Mosby front and center

The museum has not forgotten about other partisan activity. An interpretive panel discusses the Chinquapin Rangers, an irregular cavalry company raised in Fairfax and Prince William Counties. A Burnside carbine and Colt Army revolver belonging to a member of the Loudoun Rangers are also on display. As the label accompanying the weapons reminds us, "Yes, There Were Union Partisan Rangers!"

A section dealing with emancipation discusses the fate of freed slaves in Northern Virginia, including the contraband camps in Fairfax. (I provided the museum with research on the camps, which they kindly attributed to me as part of the exhibit.) The display features a rare photograph of a slave family at the Volusia farm in eastern Fairfax County near Alexandria. The photograph was likely taken in 1862 by Lt. James E. Larkin, whose regiment, the 5th New Hampshire, had established a camp at Volusia.

Portion of the exhibition dealing with the impact of emancipation. The enlarged photograph of a slave family at Volusia is visible at the center of the display.

By 1863, Fairfax played home to many Union regiments serving in the outer defenses of Washington, and the museum dedicates considerable space to examining the life of the common soldiers encamped in the area. An outside individual loaned the museum many items from his impressive personal collection, including cartes de visite from the 17th New York Light Artillery, an original Union artillery uniform, and a carved bone grip pocket knife belonging to a member of the 7th Michigan Cavalry. As an added bonus, the section on Union Army life features an interesting display of Civil War-era dog tags (called "medals" at the time). Soldiers purchased the brass or pewter discs from sutlers and had their names stamped on one side. The reverse side usually displayed a patriotic-themed design.

A colorful print of the military record of Company I, 16th Vermont Infantry (1862). The regiment was encamped in Fairfax Courthouse and southern Fairfax County from December 1862 until June 1863, when it marched north with the rest of the Second Vermont Brigade to repel the Confederate invasion of Pennsylvania. The 16th Vermont participated in the defense of the Union center during Pickett's Charge.

The exhibition also looks at the civilian side of the war in Fairfax. Most of the interpretation focuses on locals who were rounded up by the Union authorities on suspicion of disloyalty and sent to Old Capitol Prison. For the romantics out there, another wall is dedicated to the relationship between Antonia Ford, a Confederate spy, and Union Maj. Joseph C. Willard, a co-owner of Washington's famed Willard Hotel. Among the artifacts are Ford's love letters to Willard, as well as the couple's DC marriage certificate.

The ledger book for Thomas Harrison's store, which was located to the west of Fairfax Court House. Notes in the ledger refer to the arrest of Harrison and several of his neighbors by the Union Army following Mosby's Fairfax Raid in March 1863.

If you live in the area, or are just visiting during the holidays, be sure to check out Civil War Fairfax 1863. I spent a long time studying the artifacts and reading the interpretive panels. Although covering the usual suspects (i.e., Mosby), the exhibition doesn't neglect other important topics like contrabands and civilian-military relations. Kudos to Susan Gray and the museum staff for organizing such an informative and interesting exhibition. I left learning a thing or two, and I am sure you will too.

About Visiting

Civil War Fairfax 1863 runs now through January 12, 2014. For more information about visiting, see the Fairfax Museum and Visitor Center homepage. While at the museum, be sure to check out the permanent collection, which features other Civil War-related items.

A Fire at Dr. Mackall's Near Langley, October 1863: More Insights on Civilians and the Contraband Camps

When compared to other topics in local Civil War history such John Mosby's exploits or First Manassas, few writings have focused on the story behind the contraband camps that were established on abandoned secessionist lands in Northern Virginia. These farms represented a social experiment in transitioning freed slaves to self-sufficiency while reducing disease and overcrowding that was prevalent in other contraband settlements. The fact that the Union Army placed the camps on the property of Confederate sympathizers and slaveholders is replete with irony. As I wrote a few months ago, my research on the contraband camps is an on-going effort, and I plan to share my findings here on the blog.

Detachments from Union cavalry and infantry regiments were garrisoned at or near the farms to protect them against Confederate raids, although not always successfully. While looking for additional information on military life at the camps, I came across the following item from the October 21, 1863 edition of the Alexandria Gazette:

The house occupied by the officers in charge of the the contraband farms in Virginia, between Langley and Lewinsvillle, accidentally took fire and was burned to the ground on Sunday afternoon. The house was the property of Dr. Mackall, formerly of Cecil county, Md. The property was at one time owned by the superintendent of public schools in the state of New York.

This article refers to the home of Dr. Richard C. Mackall, indicated on  Map-1 below. Mackall had about 129 acres on the road from Langley to Lewinsville. The property sat squarely between the two separate tracts that constituted Camp Wadsworth. (See Map-2 below and my previous post on the location of the camp.) Starting at some point in the summer of 1863, Mackall's house became the residence and headquarters for the officers assigned to Camp Wadsworth. Camp Beckwith was farther down road past Lewinsville, and the Official Records indicates that the officers at that location were quartered at a house that sat on the farm there. (OR, 1:29:1, 202; previous post here.)

Map-1, detail from an 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia (courtesy of Library of Congress). Mackall's property, including the local landmark "Mackall's Hill," is visible between Langley (r) and Lewinsville (l). Artillery was positioned on or near Mackall's property during minor skirmishes at Lewinsville in September 1861.

Federal authorities targeted abandoned secessionist properties when selecting sites for the contraband farms. The decision to use of Dr. Mackall's house makes perfect sense, considering that Mackall had the reputation as a staunch supporter of the Confederate cause. Moreover, his own brother, Gen. William W. Mackall, was serving as Gen. Braxton Bragg's chief of staff.

Map showing Dr. Richard C. Mackall's property (red) superimposed on a present-day map of McLean, Virginia. (View Mackall Property and Camp Wadsworth in a larger map.) Camp Wadsworth was located on land belonging to Lewis D. Means (yellow) and James W. Cooke (blue). The Langley Shopping Center sits on or near the former site of Mackall's Hill.

Dr. Mackall was born on January 14, 1822 at Wilna in Cecil County, Maryland. At age eighteen, he entered the Baltimore College of Dental Surgery. After graduation in 1841, Mackall moved to St. Louis, Missouri and practiced dentistry, but three years later returned to the East Coast and earned a medical degree from the University of Maryland. Mackall first practiced medicine in Prince William County, Virginia. When his first wife died, he relocated once again, this time to Savannah, Georgia, where he practiced medicine and remarried. Following three years in Savannah, Mackall purchased his farm in Fairfax County near Langley.

An old picture of Wilna, boyhood home of Richard C. and William W. Mackall near Elkton in Cecil County, Maryland (courtesy of Historical Marker Database). A marker near this site site discusses William Mackall's career during the Civil War.

As the sectional crisis intensified, Mackall became active on behalf of the secessionist cause. At a meeting of concerned citizens in Fairfax Court House at the end of April 1861, he was appointed to a committee that drafted a series of resolutions regarding the defense and preparedness of the Commonwealth in the wake of the Virginia Convention's recent vote in favor of secession. The attendees at the meeting unanimously adopted the resolutions. On May 23, Mackall cast his ballot for the Virginia Ordinance of Secession in the Lewinsville precinct. He was in the minority among his neighbors to favor a break with the Union.

When the Federal Army occupied the area around Langley and Lewinsville in October 1861, Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock located his brigade headquarters at Mackall's residence. Dr. Mackall was made a political prisoner, but Hancock allegedly intervened and secured Mackall's release. The doctor returned to Wilna in Cecil County for the remainder of the war.

Mackall was an active member of the community during the post-war years. He served as president of the Cecil County School Commissioners and was elected to the Maryland Legislature as a Democrat in 1888. Mackall was also the one-time owner and editor of the Cecil Democrat. He died on February 16, 1902 after a brief illness caused by paralysis.

The article in the Gazette, however brief, fills additional gaps in our knowledge about the contraband camps and illustrates the dramatic impact that war had on civilians in Northern Virginia. Mackall's home fell into Union hands, and the officers working there oversaw and protected the nearby contraband camp. Could Mackall have ever imagined that his own property would become part of the Union effort to promote the economic and social advancement of freed slaves? A few months later, a violent fire literally wiped Mackall's antebellum homestead off the map. The symbolism was unmistakable: War had brought revolutionary change to Langley, and life would never again be the same.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, May 3, 1861; Alexandria Gazette, Oct. 21, 1863; Brian A. Conley, Fractured Land: Fairfax County's Role in the Vote for Secession, May 23, 1861 (2001); "Dr. Richard C. Mackall," Obituary, in The Dental Cosmos: A Monthly Record of Dental Science (May 1902); Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library) ("1860 Map"); N.Y. Times, Oct. 11, 1861.

The Changing Face of Alexandria, Late September 1863

Newspapers provide interesting and sometimes entertaining insights into a given time and place, which probably explains why I get so much enjoyment from browsing through copies of Civil War-era dailies and weeklies. (Plus I really like those old engravings!) This past weekend I read a few issues of the Alexandria Gazette from the end of September 1863. The articles offer a look at the continuing impact of war on Alexandria. After all, by this time 150 years ago, the Union military had occupied the city for over two years. The proximity of Alexandria to the nation's capital, and its role as a Federal supply depot and hospital center, brought a dramatic transformation during the war years.

Bird's eye view of Alexandria, 1863 print (courtesy of Wikipedia)

The city attracted thousands of new inhabitants, including slaves fleeing to the relative safety of the Union lines. The Gazette noted on September 25, 1863:

Since [1860], the temporary population of the city has been much increased, there being, particularly, an influx of "contrabands," the numbers of whom cannot be accurately ascertained.

A few days later, the paper described the changing face of Alexandria in the wake of this extensive migration:

The influx of strangers and new comers into this place, is very great. An old resident now observes along the streets, but few of his former acquaintances and friends, in the moving mass of pedestrians. . . . The business portion of the population too, is, almost entirely changed. Some few of the old signs remain, but new names, new firms, new occupations mostly meet the eye. (Sept. 28, 1863.)

All of the added population put pressures on the local housing market. According to the Gazette:

The demand for houses for rent is very great just at this time. An advertisement in the Gazette, offering a house for rent, a few days ago, brought twenty or thirty applicants in an hour or two. (Sept. 22, 1863.)

Not unexpectedly, the Gazette reported that "[r]ents are higher in this place, at this time, than they have ever been within the recollection of the oldest inhabitant." (Sept. 22, 1863.) Resourceful property owners found ways to take advantage of the shortage:

What was a very small open yard or court, on King Street, a few days ago, has been roofed in, and front and back walls built up, and six or eight hundred dollars per annum rent offered for the premises at once. (Sept. 22, 1863.)

More people also translated into increased demand for other necessities, like fuel. The Gazette measured the impact and urged caution:

The price of fuel -- wood and coal -- keep up. Consumers, this season, will have to be very economical, in order to keep their expenses at all within reasonable limits. It should be their duty to attend particularly to the use of fuel in their kitchens, offices, stores, dwellings, &c -- For there is often enough wasted, which if saved, would pay for tons of coal and cords of wood. (Sept. 22, 1863.)

The Gazette also kept readers informed about the availability and affordability of food:

The market was well supplied with vegetables and fruit, this morning, but prices remained as high as ever. (Sept. 22, 1863.)

Some inhabitants took matters into their own hands when it came to finding sources of nourishment:

It is said that more cows are kept in town this year, than there were ever before. The demand for milk and cream, all through the summer, has been great, and many families are supported from their dairies. (Sept. 24, 1863.)

Of course, entrepreneurs rushed to capitalize on all of the mouths to feed:

The number of restaurants and eating houses in this place continues to increase rather than diminish. They spring up like mushrooms, in a night, and every day sees a new sign, denoting where the hungry can be fed, -- "for a consideration." If one half of the places designated as "oyster houses" are kept supplied with bivalves, it will take a fleet of craft to furnish the quantity required. (Sept. 24, 1863.)

Businesses also catered to the burgeoning demand for entertainment. The Gazette offered this tidbit to readers:

DICK PARKER'S MUSIC HALL, at the corner of King and Royal streets, is the centre of attraction for amusement seekers. The Hall has been beautifully fitted up, and is well arranged for concerts and musical entertainments. Since it was opened on a Monday night, a full house has greeted each performance and great satisfaction has been given. (Sept. 23, 1863.)

An advertisement placed by Dick Parker's in the same edition of the Gazette boldly promised: "BEAUTIFUL GIRLS, NEW FACES, SPLENDID COMPANY, EVERYBODY DELIGHTED." (Sept. 23, 1863.) For the grand sum of one dollar, a guest could secure a private box. Otherwise, parquet seats could be had for twenty-five cents and orchestra seats for fifty cents.

The war literally took place at Alexandria's doorstep, and the city's inhabitants were surrounded by constant reminders of the conflict. John Mosby and his Rangers continued to wreak havoc across Northern Virginia. According to an article appearing on September 28:

Fifty of Moseby's [sic] men made a descent on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad last night, above Fairfax, tearing up the track, firing Pope's bridge, and cutting the telegraph. One bridge was partially consumed, but has been repaired, and the trains are again running.

Alexandria also saw the delivery of a different sort of cargo from the front:

One hundred and thirteen Confederate prisoners, taken within the past few days by the Army of the Potomac in its advance, were brought to this place this morning, and sent on to Washington. (Sept. 25, 1863.)

Meanwhile, the Union Army remained active in rounding up civilians suspected of disloyalty:

A family by the name of Beach, seven in all, living near Fairfax Station, have been arrested and sent to Washington, charged with complicity with Moseby's [sic] men. (Sept. 22, 1863.)

The war farther afield also preoccupied the people of Alexandria. The recent Battle of Chickamauga took top billing in the Gazette at the end of September. Perhaps many readers were shocked to read this piece reprinted from the Richmond Examiner:

The Surgeon General received a dispatch. . . conveying the melancholy tidings of the death of Major General J.B. Hood, of Texas. He was wounded in the leg by a grape shot in the battle on the Chickamauga, and sank under the effects of the amputation. (Sept. 26, 1863.)

The article, however, got it wrong, as Hood survived the wound he received during the engagement and lived to fight another day.

Alexandria had indeed changed considerably in the space of a few years, and as September 1863 drew to a close, the city continued to experience the consequences of war and occupation. Old residents and newcomers alike lived in a crowded, overpriced, and bustling place. Without a doubt, the importance of Alexandria to the Union war effort ensured that life in the city would not return to normal any time soon.

In Search of the Contraband Camps of McLean, Virginia, Part II: Camp Beckwith

A few weeks ago I wrote about the location of one of the contraband camps in the McLean, Virginia area. The Union Army established Camp Wadsworth on property belonging to local Confederate sympathizers near Langley on May 30, 1863. Just one week later, the Federal authorities decided to organize yet another contraband farm in the same general vicinity. This week I turn my attention to the possible location of this second camp, which was situated near Lewinsville. The historical evidence is somewhat less definitive than in the case of Camp Wadsworth, but I wanted to present my preliminary conclusions based on the documents and other sources I have reviewed since starting my research.

As D.B. Nichols, Superintendent of Freedman, noted in his July 1863 report on the newly-established contraband camps:

[W]e organized . . . Camp Beckwith, on MCVAY's and JACKSON's farms, near Lewinsville. (N.Y. Times, Aug. 9, 1863.)

According to a map of land ownership for Fairfax County in 1860, property belonging to both Dr. William Harvey McVeigh and Townsend McVeigh sat very close to the crossroads at Lewinsville. There is no record of a "McVay," so presumably Nichols misspelled the last name. Moreover, farmland under the name of Susan M. Jackson was located adjacent to William McVeigh's land near Lewinsville. Jackson was the widow of the infamous James W. Jackson, who gunned down Col. Elmer Ellsworth of the 11th New York Fire Zouaves at the start of the war. James Jackson's mother also had extensive acreage in the vicinity, but farther from Lewinsville and the McVeigh property. Both the McVeigh and Jackson families had reason to attract the attention of Union authorities, so it is perhaps not surprising that their abandoned land became the target for a social experiment involving the resettlement of contrabands.

Wartime view of Lewinsville, Virginia, from Harper's Weekly, Dec. 14, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net). As I noted in a previous post, this depiction of the village is somewhat fanciful.

The McVeigh Property

Townsend McVeigh was born in Virginia in 1800. He owned land in Fairfax County close to Lewinsville (grid square 30:1, 1860 Map), but resided with his family in Loudoun County. In 1859 Townsend conveyed 95 acres near Lewinsville to his son William, a physician born in 1828 (grid square 30:1). This land comprised part of the Windy Hill Farm, which is today listed on the Fairfax County Inventory of Historic Sites.

According to 1860 Census, William McVeigh lived in Fairfax with his wife and three small children. He raised hay, oats, and potatoes. William also owned some dairy cows and cattle. Presumably this farming took place on William's property in Lewinsville. Tax records from 1861 indicate that McVeigh had three slaves.

Mason Shipman leased William's farm or otherwise raised crops there under contract.* The exact start and end date of this business relationship remains uncertain. Shipman's name appears on an 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia at or near the location of William's farm (see below). According to historian Chuck Mauro, Shipman was farming on William McVeigh's land when the Union Army confiscated his hay in 1863.

Map-1,detail of an 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia ("McDowell map") showing Lewinsville, Langley, and vicinity (courtesy of Library of Congress). The Shipman residence sat to the northwest of Lewinsville in an area along Scott's Run where William McVeigh's land bordered Susan Jackson's property.

William became active in the local community. He sat on the Board of Trustees for the Strawberry Vale Institute for Young Ladies near Peach Grove (today's Tyson's Corner).** William also served as one of the commissioners in the Lewinsville precinct for the vote on the Ordinance of Secession. William cast his ballot for ratification along with thirty-eight others, but in the end, Lewinsville was one of three precincts in the county to reject the Ordinance on May 23, 1861. Like other secessionists, William likely left his farm in 1861 before the Federal occupation of the neighborhood that fall. He died at his father's home in Middleburg in 1864.

The McVeigh family had its fair share of encounters with Union authorities. On April 10, 1863, the Alexandria Gazette reported that a "Dr. Wm. H. McVeigh" was one of several civilians arrested for disloyalty and brought to Washington by Union forces under Gen. Julius Stahel. Townsend McVeigh, William's father, also appears to have been arrested for his anti-Union sympathies and placed on a prison barge opposite Alexandria in June 1863. When he refused to take the oath of allegiance, Townsend was sent to Old Capitol Prison in Washington and later released.*** Records indicate that William's brother, Townsend Jesse (or T.J.) McVeigh likely served as a chaplain of the 2nd Virginia Infantry. T.J. was captured in early 1862 and sent to Old Capitol Prison. He was released on parole in March of that year.

When the Union authorities began to look for a place to locate a contraband camp outside of Washington, they surely wasted no time in setting their sights on the McVeigh lands. According to Shipman's claim before the Southern Claims Commission, Camp Beckwith was established on William's farm near Lewinsville. (Sprouse, Vol. 4, 1349.)**** It is altogether possible that some or all of the neighboring land owned by his father was also used for the same purpose, but I have yet to find any proof. Today the McVeigh properties are occupied by residential housing. The green area on Map-2 below represents William's property superimposed on the current-day map of McLean. Townsend McVeigh's land is shown in blue.

Map-2, showing the probable location of Camp Beckwith (view Camp Beckwith in a larger map)

The red pin  indicates the location of Lewinsville at the intersection of Chain Bridge Road and Great Falls Street. The Windy Hill farmhouse is indicated by the blue pin. The home, built around 1827, survives today but is barely visible behind trees.

Looking down Lewinsville Road along the southern edge of the former William McVeigh property. A housing development now sits on the heights above the treeline. The Windy Hill farmhouse is also located in the same neighborhood.

The Jackson Property

The Jackson family's land became the target of Union authorities for obvious reasons. James W. Jackson was born near Lewinsville in 1823 to Richard and Jane Donaldson Jackson.***** His father died when he was about six months old. Jane wanted her son to attend Georgetown College, but in the end she sent James to live with his brother, John, in Kentucky. While residing in the Bluegrass State, James met and married Susan Maria Adams of Washington County. He returned to Fairfax with his wife sometime before 1850 and spent a few years farming a tract of land around Lewinsville. In 1858 James became the proprietor of the Union Hotel in Fairfax Court House. By 1860, the Jackson family owned four slaves. Around the start of 1861, James moved his family to Alexandria, where he signed a five-year lease on the Marshall House at the corner of Pitt and King Streets. On January 19, the Alexandria Gazette reported that Jackson's inn and tavern were open for business.

James W. Jackson (courtesy of Johnson County Community College).

Jackson became an ardent secessionist and defiantly flew the stars and bars from the roof of the Marshall House to demonstrate his allegiance. As Union troops occupied Alexandria on May 24, Col. Ellsworth entered the hotel and tore down the flag. Jackson, a combative person by nature, confronted Ellsworth and killed him with a musket blast to the chest. Jackson was immediately shot dead by a Union soldier. The young innkeeper left behind his wife and three daughters. Soon after his death, Jackson was hailed throughout the Confederacy as a martyr for the cause of Southern independence.

James Jackson's wife owned over 120 acres near Lewinsville (grid squares 20:4, 21:3, 29:2, & 30:1). She acquired most or all of  this land in 1859. Susan was living in Alexandria with James when he was killed, and it is unclear whether she ever resided on her property in Lewinsville after his death. Susan and her children may also have visited or stayed with her mother-in-law in Lewinsville sometime during the summer of 1861.******

Jane Jackson lived on over 600 acres along the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike near Langley and Lewinsville (grid squares 20:2, 20:4, 21:1, & 21:3) Her home is indicated on Map-1 to the west of Prospect Hill. In October 1861, soldiers from the 10th Pennsylvania Reserves raided Jane Jackson's house upon learning that she had furnished sensitive information to the Confederates about Union troop movements and positions. They placed her under arrest and sent her to Washington. The soldiers also found "two arms-full of important papers." (Ltr. from Anon. to Lancaster Express, Oct. 16, 1861.) According to one contemporary account, the Union troops "took all her negroes which could be of service to them, and gave the others away." (Anonymous 45.) They also "destroyed her furniture, and appropriated a quantity of house-keeping stores which she had laid up." (Anonymous 45.)

Jane and Susan, like other Confederate sympathizers, may have left the area at some point during the war, but more research is needed to determine their whereabouts. In June 1863, the Union Army established part of Camp Beckwith on property that had been abandoned by the Jackson family. Federal authorities likely selected Susan's tract, given its immediate proximity to Lewinsville and William McVeigh's land, where the other half of the camp was located. Jane Jackson's land was farther away, although I have not found evidence that would definitively exclude her property as a possible site.

Susan Jackson's property is indicated in orange on Map-2 above. Suburban housing developments now cover the land. The Capital Beltway (I-495) also cuts through the eastern edge of Jackson's former property near Scott's Run.

Photograph west looking along Lewinsville Road in McLean towards land that once belonged to Susan Jackson. The landscape has been dramatically transformed since the 1860s. Notice the bridge over I-495. 

Based on available sources, we generally know where the Union authorities placed Camp Beckwith. My research over the last several months has raised even more questions that it has answered. Work remains to be done, such as a thorough examination of the Shipman claim. I'd also like to find soldiers' letters and other primary source documents that contain possible clues confirming the camp locations. Another big unknown is the story of the contrabands who lived at Camp Beckwith and neighboring Camp Wadsworth. Other topics include the experiences of the Federal troops who protected the camps and the aid society workers who taught and assisted the contrabands. In the coming months and years, I hope to find more information, and I plan on returning to this topic to share my discoveries.

Notes

*William McVeigh's arrangement with Shipman is mentioned in a few secondary sources. (See Mauro 111; Sprouse, Vol. 4, 1349.) These sources rely on the Shipman's claim for damages before the Southern Claims Commission (SCC). Unfortunately, the SCC file is not available on-line, and I have not yet independently verified the content of Shipman's claim. An examination of the SCC file is likely to uncover additional details about both Shipman and McVeigh.

**The advertisement in the Alexandria Gazette for Aug. 20, 1860 lists McVeigh's address as Annandale in Fairfax County. It is unclear whether he resided there for a particular period of time before moving to Lewinsville, or maintained a residence in both places.

***Articles in the Alexandria Gazette refer to Townsend McVeigh as "Dr. Townsend" or "Dr. Townshend" McVeigh of Middleburg, Loudoun County.

****Again, a thorough examination of the Shipman SCC file may reveal additional details about the placement of Camp Beckwith.

*****Jackson's boyhood home, built in the mid-18th century, still stands along Swink's Mill Road in McLean. The house is listed on the Fairfax County Inventory of Historic Sites. The Jackson family sold the property in 1843.

******In an August 21, 1861 letter to the Pittsburg Gazette, a staff officer from the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves reported that some soldiers from the Reserves visited Jane Jackson's home and met one of James Jackson's daughters.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, Aug. 20, 1860, Jan. 19, 1861, May 21, 1861, Mar. 7, 1863, Apr. 10, 1863, June 26, 1863, July 23, 1863, Aug. 15, 1863, May 10, 1864; Anonymous, Life of James W. Jackson: The Alexandria Hero, the Slayer of Ellsworth, the First Martyr in the Cause of Southern Independence (1862); Susan Collet Butler, "Windy Hill Farm," Yearbook of the Historical Society of Fairfax County, Vol. 11, pp. 63-74 (1971); Brian A. Conley, Fractured Land: Fairfax County's Role in the Vote for Secession, May 23, 1861 (2001); Fairfax County Inventory of Historic Sites Report: Windy Hill Farm (report and research notes of Susan Hellman, Dept. of Planning and Zoning,Sept. 2006, available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library); Carole Herrick, Images of America: McLean (2011); "Jackson Family Cemetery," Find-a-Grave (website); "James William Jackson (?-1861)," Find-a-Grave (website); "Jane Moore Donaldson Jackson (1796-1872)," Find-a-Grave (website); "Richard Jackson (1778-1823)," Find-a-Grave (website); Ltr. from "Alpha" to Pittsburg Gazette, Aug. 21, 1861 (courtesy of P.R.V.C. Hist. Soc.); Ltr. from Anon. to Lancaster Express, Oct. 16, 1861 (courtesy of P.R.V.C. Hist. Soc.); Ltr. from Nathaniel S. Falconer to Warren Ledger, Oct. 19, 1861 (courtesy of P.R.V.C. Hist. Soc.) ; Charles V. Mauro, The Civil War in Fairfax County: Civilians and Soldiers (2006); Hugh Milton McIlhany, Some Virginia Families (1903); "Dr. William Harvey McVeigh (?-1864)," Find-a-Grave (website); "Townsend McVeigh (1800-77)," Find-a-Grave (website); Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library) ("1860 Map"); N.A.R.A., Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations from the State of Virginia, available at fold3.com; N.Y. Times, Aug. 9, 1863; Official Records, 1:29:1, 201-02, 2:2, 272-73; "Mason Shipman (1828-1916)," Find-a-Grave (website); Edith Moore Sprouse, Fairfax County in 1860: A Collective Biography (1996) (7 vols. available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library); U.S. Federal Census Returns for the Commonwealth of Virginia, 1850 & 1860, available at ancestry.com; U.S. Federal Census Slave Schedules for 1860, available at ancestry.com.