Civil War News and Views: The Advanced Confederate Line, September 1861

Now that the Sesquicentennial is over, I look forward to revisiting the earlier war period in Northern Virginia. As readers may recall, I spent a lot of time a few years ago examining the Confederate advance closer to Washington at the end of August 1861, when forces under Gen. James Longstreet occupied the high ground on Munson's Hill and Mason's Hill. Not long ago I came across the following report from the September 6, 1861 edition of the Richmond Daily Dispatch concerning the new position within sight of Washington:

Confederate States Army, Fairfax Station, Va., Sept. 1 

Last evening I returned from Mason's Hill, seven miles south of Washington, D. C. Mason's Hill derives its name from the gentleman's name (Capt. Mason, now in the Confederate service at Norfolk, Va.,) who is the proprietor. Mason's Hill is a very high and commanding position, and about two miles from Munson's Hill, both of which are now fortified and in possession of the ‘"rebels."’ 

In a straight line from Mason's Hill stands the Capitol at Washington, and which can readily be seen with the naked eye. Whilst beholding the dome of the Capitol, I feel like one looking upon the ‘"promised land,"’ where shortly, I hope, ‘"may our possessions be."’ I had the pleasure of seeing Prof. Lowe's balloon, and am sure his observations were of little account to him. The Yankee experiment of ballooning came near receiving a great ‘"pull back,"’ by the firing upon the balloon spy by the Washington Artillery. Several shots were fired at it, when it immediately ‘"went down."’ Don't suppose, however, ‘"anybody was hurt."’ But, nevertheless. somebody was scared, for the balloon suddenly disappeared and did not come up again.

Camping at Mason's Hill is interesting and exciting — not a day passing away but a few Yankee pickets ‘"bite the dust."’ Whilst I was there, in one day eight were gathered by our boys, who keep a sharp lookout for the chaps, and give them a dead shot on sight — Several prisoners have been sent to General Davis' institution at Richmond for safe keeping. By the way, we will soon have a Yankee army on hand. 

On the morning of the 30th a large Federal camp, about two miles from Alexandria, broke up and retired, thinking, probably, the ‘"rebels"’ were getting too close for comfort.--They built a large fire, the smoke of which served to cover them as they broke up their camp.

Fine views are obtained from both Munson's and Mason's Hills, of the surrounding country, and also of the Potomac. Upon the Potomac, large vessels.

There has been considerable sickness in our camp; but, with the cool weather, the health of all the men is improving, and all will be on their feet soon, with musket in hand. No news at present that I dare tell you. Pen.

N. B.--Envelopes are very scarce. The man who goes into the manufactory of envelopes in the South, will make a fortune P. (courtesy of Perseus Digital Library)

An engraving of the Confederate fortification on Munson's Hill, Illustrated London News, Oct. 5, 1861 (courtesy of Emory University).

Foreign correspondents also took an interest in the advanced Confederate line. A piece in the October 5, 1861 edition of the Illustrated London News, accompanying the above illustration, contained the following account of the Rebel position at Munson's Hill:

 This is the point in Virginia at which the Unionists and the Confederates are nearest each other, and whilst our Artist was making his sketch, crouched beneath the shelter of the foliage, within hailing distance of the enemy's pickets, a continual spattering of bullets fell round the spot. More than halfway up the road towards the hill is a barricade, from behind which a Secessionist sharpshooter is having some pot shots, and, screened by the hedges in the cornfields, others are doing the same. In the foreground are the Union advanced pickets, furnished by the Michigan Regiment, one of whom is in the act of firing at two or three men beyond the barricade. A Michigan soldier just shot lies in the road. The Confederates have some rifled cannon on the earthwork, and whenever they see a number of Federalists together they send in a dose of shells.

A New York paper thus describes the Confederate position on Munson's-hill:—"Munson's-hill is probably the highest eminence within ten miles of the Potomac, immediately opposite Washington. It is about six miles from the Capitol, the intervening space being covered with a succession of gently rolling hills, crowned principally with forest trees, although here and there dotted with churches, farmhouses, and country villages. The streams are unimportant and the roads dusty. The hill presents its most abrupt side towards the national capital, and, unlike those around, has but few trees on its summit. Many of those which originally existed have no doubt been felled while the intrenchments were in progress. At present an immense Confederate flag—the red, white, and blue stripes in which are at least five feet wide each—is the most prominent object upon the top of the eminence Two of the trees which have been allowed to remain were used as an observatory. The Confederate defences are constructed entirely of earth, fifteen feet being the highest elevation. The sloping hillside in front of the fort is clear of underbrush or trees, and is sufficiently extended to allow 3000 men to parade. The distance from the cover of the woods to the summit of the hill is not so great but that a quick movement would drive the enemy from their guns with very little loss of life. The flank defences of the fort consist of three batteries. It is believed that earthworks have been thrown up on another portion of the hill commanding the road to Fairfax Courthouse. The fort is intended more particularly to command the road leading from Alexandria to Falls Church, the road from Washington to Fairfax, just mentioned, the railroad from Alexandria to Vienna, and the position of Bailey's Cross-roads."

With little to report in the way of large-scale battles, newspapers turned their attention to the Confederate lines within view of the nation's capital. Munson's and Mason's Hills were popular topics. Add in the thrilling ascent of Lowe's balloons or the tension of the picket war, and correspondents had plenty of material to keep their readers interested and entertained. The Confederates abandoned the advanced position by the end of September 1861, and not long afterwards, both sides settled in for a long fall and winter in camp.

Mosby's Attempt to Raid the Contraband Camp Near Falls Church

Last fall I wrote about a Confederate attack on the contraband farm at Camp Beckwith in Lewinsville. The contraband camps in Northern Virginia made inviting targets for Confederate guerrillas, who could surprise and overpower the small Union garrisons and ride away with horses, crops, and prisoners. Even before the Lewinsville raid in October 1863, the Confederates set their sights on another contraband camp close to Falls Church. The episode involved none other than the Gray Ghost, John S. Mosby, and his partisan rangers.

At the start of the Civil War, Major William D. Nutt resided in Alexandria County (present-day Arlington), just across the border from Falls Church.* He worked as a clerk at the U.S. Department of the Treasury until resigning in April 1861. An ardent secessionist, Nutt fled his property as Union troops arrived in September 1861. Not long afterwards, his home was burned to the ground by Gen. Louis Blenker's men. As a soldier from the 21st New York described the scene, "[t]he remains of a fine piano and other heavy furniture litter the grounds; the garden and outbuildings are sacked and destroyed, and the stock appropriated by the ravagers." (Mills 121.) Nutt ended up in Richmond, where he took a position as a clerk with the Confederate Treasury Department.**

On May 30, 1863, the Union Army took Nutt's property for use as a contraband farm named Camp Rucker. The camp was one of five established across Northern Virginia during the same time period. The former slaves quartered on Major Nutt's land numbered 105 by the end of June 1863.

Mosby and some of his Rangers (courtesy of Wikipedia). Mosby is seated in the center, with a plume in his hat.

Meanwhile, Mosby and his band continued their attacks on Federal targets throughout Northern Virginia. Mosby's most daring and well-known exploit involved the March capture of a sleeping Union general in Fairfax Court House. The summer brought more trouble for the Union authorities. In mid-August, the Alexandria Gazette carried an item entitled, "MOSBY'S LATEST RAID." (Alex. Gazette, Aug. 19, 1863; all citations hereinafter to same unless otherwise indicated.) The paper had learned the details from "a gentleman residing near Falls Church, not far from Bailey's Cross Roads."

Detail from 1862 Union Army map showing the general area of Mosby's raid of August 16 1863, including Falls Church, Maj. Nutt's property (Camp Rucker), Ft. Buffalo, and Bailey's Cross Roads (courtesy of Library of Congress). The Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike is the road running through Falls Church past Munson's Hill to Bailey's Cross-Roads.

On Sunday, August 16, "just about daylight, Mosby and fifty-four of his men were seen about a mile from fort Buffalo, with three Union soldiers and some horses with harness that they had captured from a train of sutlers early in the night before." The group "disappeared suddenly in the woods," but at 9 o'clock that night Mosby and fifteen of his men, along with the three prisoners, resurfaced "at the northwest end of Falls Church village." The raiders then rode outside of town, "through by the contraband camp on Major Nutt's place," and joined the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's VA-7)  near Ft. Buffalo. They proceeded down the pike to a point one mile below Bailey's Cross Roads before doubling back.

Mosby stopped when he got to Camp Rucker. The Gazette reported what happened next:

Mosby and six men dismounted and approached the contraband camp, when the guard halted him; he gave some reply and moved on, when the guard shot and one of the Union prisoners made his escape. Moseby [sic] then fell back and moved through Falls Church up the turnpike to a little tavern, where they stopped, and was telling the keeper of the hotel where they had been, and that they could go where they pleased, when a detachment of the California cavalry came up and drove them beyond Difficult run four miles from Dranesville.***

Assuming the Gazette had the story right, Mosby and his band went on quite a ride the night of August 16. The article doesn't report much in the way of booty aside from what the Confederates seized when they attacked the sutler train earlier in the day. Mosby obviously had a raid on Camp Rucker in mind when he stopped at Maj. Nutt's place, but quick action by an alert Federal guard foiled the potential disaster and allowed one prisoner to escape. Only a few months later, Elijah White and his men would have a bit more success in attacking another contraband farm at Camp Beckwith.

Notes

*Nutt's farm was somewhere in the vicinity of the modern-day East Falls Church Metro Station.

**Some sources indicate that Nutt entered the Confederate military. I have not uncovered Nutt's service record. At the very least, Nutt worked for the Confederate Treasury Department based on information contained in Confederate citizens files in the National Archives.

***This unit was likely the 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry, which was comprised on some troopers from California. The 2nd Massachusetts was doing duty in the Department of Washington at the time.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, Apr. 11, 1861, May 11, 1861, Jan. 10, 1863, Aug. 19, 1863; Bradley E. Gernand, A Virginia Village Goes to War: Falls Church During the Civil War (2002); James O'McClure, "The Old Twenty-First: Interesting History of the 'First Buffalo Regiment,'" Western New Yorker, Jan. 21, 1897; J. Harrison Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty-First Regiment, New York State Volunteers (1863); Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library); N.A.R.A., Files for William D. Nutt in Confederate Papers Relating to Citizens or Business Firms, 1861-65 (available at fold3.com); New York Times, Aug. 9, 1863; Oliver Willcox Norton, Army Letters, 1861-1865 (1903); "2nd Massachusetts Cavalry,"  Civil War in the East (website);

Adding to the Newspaper Collection: Munson's Hill & Bailey's Crossroads in 1861

As frequent readers know, I am an avid collector of antique Civil War-era newspapers.  I often search for editions containing wartime scenes from across Northern Virginia and Washington.  Not too long ago I spotted a September 30, 1861 edition of the New York Illustrated News on eBay.  I was immediately drawn to the full-page engraving of Bailey's Crossroads and Munson's Hill.*  I am familiar with other period illustrations of these landmarks from Harper's Weekly, but I had never seen this particular engraving from the lesser-known Illustrated News.


New York Illustrated News, Sept. 30, 1861.  The cover illustration shows Federal vessels driving back an iron-plated Confederate steamer at Newport News, Virginia.  I purchased the paper from eBay dealer lindastevea.

I've written extensively about both Munson's Hill and Bailey's Crossroads.  (See here and here.)   In August 1861, Confederates under James Longstreet pushed the Confederate lines in Northern Virginia closer to Washington.  The advanced position stretched beyond Falls Church to Munson's Hill and other locations.  The Confederates erected earthworks at the top of Munson's Hill, where they could see the unfinished Capitol dome in the distance.  The Union Army moved towards Bailey's Crossroads, not far down the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's Rt. 7) from Munson's Hill.  The picket war in and around Bailey's became quite heated at times.  Recognizing the vulnerability of the advanced line, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston finally withdrew his forces from Munson's Hill at the end of September 1861.

"Munson's Hill, as Seen from Bailey's Cross Roads."  Union forces seized Munson's Hill on September 28, 1861.  Given the date of publication (Sept. 30, 1861), it is likely that this engraving was sketched during the time of the Confederate occupation and only printed after the evacuation.

The engraving depicts Bailey's Crossroads looking northwest up the Leesburg Turnpike towards the Confederate earthworks on Munson's Hill.  The Columbia Turnpike runs perpendicular to the Leesburg Turnpike.  A Union picket stands to the right of the picture, while two soldiers survey the Rebel position in the distance.  The sketch artist was B.C. Kidder of the 2nd Michigan.  Incidentally, pickets from this regiment clashed with Confederate infantry around Bailey's Crossroads at the end of August and start of September 1861.  (See here.) 

Close-up of the engraving showing the Confederate earthworks at the top of Munson's Hill.  The Confederate flag flying above Munson's Hill was visible all the way from Washington.  The "News and Notes" section of the Illustrated News reported: "A young lady residing in the upper part of Georgetown has just received a letter from her brother in the Rebel army, in which he states that from his post, near Munson's Hill, he can see the lights of his own home every night. . . . He had made great exertions to accompany the advance guard, in order that he might be among the first to enter the Capital, and rejoin his family at the earliest moment."

Today the same ground, covered with strip malls, chain restaurants, and residential development, bears little resemblance to the area during the Civil War.  (See here for a contemporary map.)  The engraving from the New York York Illustrated News takes us to a different time, beyond the traffic congestion and big box stores.  Such old newspaper images bring the past alive and remind us of how Northern Virginia once sat in the middle of a war zone. 

Note

*At the time of the Civil War, the location was spelled "Bailey's Cross Roads."

The Grand Review at Bailey's Crossroads: Glowing Reports and a Public Reassurance

This upcoming Sunday marks the 150th anniversary of an impressive display of Union military might.  On November 20, 1861, Maj. George B. McClellan, commander of the Army of the Potomac, staged a "Grand Review" of between 50,000 and 70,000 Union soldiers from seven divisions at Bailey's Crossroads, Virginia.  President Lincoln, Secretary of War Simon Cameron, and other dignitaries, along with 20,000 to 30,000 spectators, witnessed McClellan's organizational prowess unfold on the open fields a few miles outside of Washington.  Readers will recall that only a few months before, Bailey's Crossroads was the site of a picket war between the two armies.

Maj. Gen. George McClellan, as depicted on 1861 sheet music (courtesy of Indiana State Museum)

Last year, I wrote a few posts about McClellan's Grand Review, so I won't cover old ground here.  For a complete story of the review, check out this post.  I also discussed Gen. George G. Meade's the less-than-enthusiastic reaction to the review.  Others have shared my interest in the topic.  A group known as the Lincoln at the Crossroads Alliance recently sponsored a sesquicentennial reenactment of the Grand Review at Ft. McNair.  (Staging at the original location would have been a logistical nightmare!)  I had planned to attend, but other obligations got in the way.

The review was the largest ever held on the North American continent up to that time.  Not surprisingly, Northern newspapers provided glowing accounts of the spectacle.  According to the headline in the November 21, 1861 edition of the New York Times, the review was a "Magnificent Military Pageant."  The Philadelphia Press called the event "indescribably grand."  (Nov. 21, 1861 ed.)  The Press reported that Prince de Joinville, a member of French nobility accompanying McClellan, was "in raptures over the grand review, alleging that he never saw anything compared to it in the old world, when the regularity, promptitude, and harmony of the movements are taken into consideration."  (Nov. 23, 1861 ed.)

For all the praise, however, there surely were skeptics out there, or so the Beaver (Pa.) Weekly Argus thought.  As the Argus elaborated on November 27:

The Eastern Papers of this week were filled with the details of the ceremony, which, however, possesses little interest for the general reader except as showing what a splendid army we have in the field.

As some of our friends may not see the necessity of these reviews, we clip from the Scientific American, the following sensible remarks in vindication of the policy of the General-in-Chief:

"This system of reviewing troops is somewhat novel in our army operations, and many who are not familiar with its objects regard such demonstrations as unmeaning.  Gen. McClellan's experience in the Crimea in '55 fully convinced him of the importance of such reviews.  Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Wellington, and all the great military commanders were in the habit of holding frequent grand reviews, and the system is kept up in all European nations.  It is very inspiring, not only to the troops, but also to the officers."

The "Young Napoleon" surely would have approved of this rationale for holding the Grand Review.  If anything, the event showcased for the Union leadership and the Northern public what McClellan could do to organize and drill an army.  Now he just had to demonstrate that he could defeat the Rebels, and for an answer, the nation would have to wait until springtime.

Note on Sources:
All Pennsylvania news articles can be found on the extensive Pennsylvania Civil War Era Newspaper Collection maintained by the Libraries of Penn State University.

The Forgotten War: Fighting Between the Lines Around Bailey's Crossroads

Earlier this week, I discussed the Confederate capture of Munson's Hill around Bailey's Crossroads in Northern Virginia.  Standing in the Bailey's Crossroads area today, it is difficult to imagine the constant firefighting that erupted here following the Confederate advance.  Nothing remains of the rural landscape, except for an old, forgotten windmill at the intersection of Columbia Pike and VA-7.  And the ground where soldiers marched and died is now occupied by big box stores and apartment buildings.  Only a lone marker recalls the fighting that took place here.

By the end of August 1861, Longstreet's advanced elements at Munson's Hill were dug in only a few miles from the Union position around Hunter's Chapel (now the intersection of Columbia Pike and S. Glebe Rd.). Both sides threw out pickets well beyond the main line, which led to numerous encounters. General Jubal Early recalled that "[t]he pickets were constantly skirmishing with those of the enemy." (Early, 48-49.) Longstreet, still struck by the endless series of skirmishes many years later, wrote in his memoirs that "[w]e had frequent little brushes with parties pushed out to reconnoitre." (Longstreet, 59.)


"Munson's Hill, the Advance Post of the Rebel Army on the Potomac," Harper's Weekly, Oct. 5, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).  The soldiers in the foreground appear to be Union scouts or pickets.  The Confederate flag atop the earthworks on Munson's Hill is visible in the background.  This engraving was published after the Confederates had abandoned their advanced positions in Northern Virginia.

In the days that followed Longstreet's occupation of  the high ground near Falls Church and Bailey's Crossroads, the small-scale engagements between the two side became particularly heated. The Union Army began to probe the Confederate picket line almost immediately.  Longstreet's aide, Tom Goree, soon wrote to his uncle and sister that "[n]ot a day passes without several skirmishes." (Goree, 40.)

"Bailey's Cross Roads, Advanced Post of the United States Army, Opposite Munson's Hill," Harper's Weekly, Oct. 5, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).

Five straight days of action unfolded for the 2nd Michigan on August 28, 1861, when Brig. Gen. Israel Richardson sent Capt. Louis Dillman with 250 men to Bailey's Crossroads to "occupy and hold the same against the encroachments of the enemy's forces in that vicinity."* (Report of Capt. Dillman, OR, 1:5:1, 120.) Arriving at the crossroads from Hunter's Chapel at 11 a.m., Capt. Dillman threw out his pickets. The Confederates quickly opened fire on the soldiers at the crossroads. Skirmishing lasted all day and into the night, only stopping at around 10 p.m.

The next morning, Longstreet's soldiers greeted the Michigan boys with more gunfire.  The Union soldiers were slow to respond, and the Confederates sent a party of around 80 men to turn Dillman's right flank and cut him off from the main body of his regiment.  The Union pickets retreated, but Captain William Humphrey arrived with 40 men and drove the Confederate forces back.  The skirmishing lasted three more days and gradually decreased in intensity.  Casualties for the 2nd Michigan were light.  Dillman reported only one Union soldier as mortally wounded.**

While stationed at Bailey's Crossroads, a couple men of the 2nd Michigan had an opportunity to scout the Confederate position.  As Dillman told Richardson:

Two privates of Company D-J. Austin and P. F. Walworth-straying from camp, passed through the enemy's lines and up to within some forty rods of the rear of their earthwork on Munson's Hill. Seeing two rebels near, they watched their chance, each picked his man, fired, and brought him to the ground. They returned safely to camp. They report seeing about 500 men around the works. There were no tents in sight, but some twelve or fifteen wagons and two pieces of artillery were lying on the back of the hill.  They also report seeing a large number of field officers busy looking over their maps and charts. (OR, 1:5:1, 120.)

The 3rd Michigan was also engaged at Bailey's Crossroads for part of the same time period.  On August 30, Maj. Stephen Champlin of the 3rd Michigan spotted two companies of Confederates marching from Munson's Hill towards the Union picket line to the right of Bailey's Crossroads.  About 100 Confederates hit the Federal pickets, who fell back towards the cover of Dillman's command at the crossroads and a reserve force stationed halfway between Arlington Mill and Bailey's Crossroads along the Columbia Turnpike.***  Champlin took action to reverse the course of the skirmish, using both Dillman's command and soldiers from the 3rd Michigan.  As he reported to Richardson after the battle:

I directed Captain Dillman to march one company of his men on the table-land to his right to a point opposite the enemy in the woods and deploy them as skirmishers, advance them across the road, and engage the enemy on their flank, while I brought up and engaged the enemy's front with the reserve stationed half way to the mill. . . and also with a portion of Capt. [S.A.] Judd's command, stationed near Arlington Mill. The order was executed, and the enemy retreated before the skirmishers, and would not and did not wait an engagement. Our pickets were re-established, and the forces of both sides are again in the same position they respectively occupied this morning. (OR, 1:5:1, 119.)

All told, no Union soldiers were killed, and only one or two were slightly wounded.  Champlain saw the Confederates carrying away three men, who were either dead or wounded.

Today these skirmishes are for the most part forgotten sideshows of the Civil War.  But at the time, all eyes were fixed on Bailey's Crossroads.  As the New York Times reported on August 29, 1861,  "[t]he Washington Star has several rumors of engagements near Bailey's Cross-roads, and from other sources general rumors are current of skirmishes having taken place. There appears, however, to be nothing reliable."  The next day, the Times told readers that "[t]he reported engagements at Bailey's Cross Roads. . . appear, upon investigation, to have been simply affairs of pickets, with little if any bloodshed."  Nevertheless, rumors and speculation still abounded in the anxious capital city.  The paper reported that "[t]he movement is. . . regarded in some quarters as indicative of an immediate advance of our forces. . . ."   Union commander George McClellan, however, was still far from undertaking a major offensive against the Rebels forces in Virginia.

Notes

*Captain Dillman's report to Col. Richardson in the OR indicates that he left Hunter's Chapel on "Thursday, August 28."  However, in 1861, the 28th fell on a Wednesday, so either Dillman got the day of the week, or the date, wrong.  The Atlas to Accompany the Official Records indicates that the 2nd Michigan was in position around Bailey's Crossroads starting on August 28.  (See plate 5.)

A dispatch by a New York Times correspondent dated August 29, 1861 reports that "our picket forces advanced to Bailey's Cross-roads yesterday [August 28], and drove those of the Secessionists a mile and a half beyond, where, it is said the latter have taken possession of a commanding eminence, and are throwing up intrenchments [sic]. There was much firing during the day, but without fatal results."  However, no mention is made of the units engaged on the 28th.  A special dispatch published in the New York Times on August 29, 1861, indicates that an intense, all-day skirmish took place in Bailey's Crossroads involving the 5th Maine, the 37th and 38th New York, and "a New-Jersey regiment." The 2nd Michigan is not mentioned. 

**Owing to the lack of clarity in Dillman's report, his estimates of Confederate losses are a bit confusing.  On one day of fighting, he reported  "6 or 8 killed and wounded," and then noted that the enemy carried off  "some twelve men killed and wounded."  It is uncertain whether the sets of numbers should be added together, or whether the six or eight is to be counted among the twelve.  On another day of fighting, he noted that the Confederates "were seen to carry a number off the field."

***This action appears to be part of the same Confederate flanking movement described in Dillman's report to Richardson and discussed earlier in the post.

Sources

Aside from the OR and New York Times articles cited above, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

Thomas W. Cutrer, Longstreet's Aide: The Civil War Letters of Thomas J. Goree (1995); Jubal Anderson Early & R.H. Early (ed.), Autobiographical Sketch and Narrative of the War Between the States (1912); Bradley E. Gernand, A Virginia Village Goes to War: Falls Church During the Civil War (2002); James Longstreet, From Manassas to Appomattox (1896); Charles P. Poland, Jr., The Glories of War: Small Battles and Early Heroes of 1861 (2004).

Longstreet Advances Closer to Washington: The Occupation of Mason's Hill & Munson's Hill

As I have discussed in previous posts, General James Longstreet stood at the vanguard of the Confederate advance through Northern Virginia in late summer of 1861.  During the end of August, Longstreet pushed a force of infantry beyond his picket line at Falls Church, Virginia and closer to the Union capital.*  Assisted by Col. J.E.B. Stuart's 1st Virginia Cavalry, the soldiers drove in Federal pickets and seized two prominences that dominated the surrounding countryside -- Mason's Hill and Munson's Hill.  The newly captured territory was only a handful of miles from the nation's capital.  As Longstreet later recalled, "[w]e were provokingly near Washington, with orders not to attempt to advance even to Alexandria."  (Longstreet, 59.)  From their new position, the Confederates had a full view of Washington, including the unfinished Capitol dome rising in the distance.  They also could observe the Union lines in Northern Virginia as far as Alexandria.

The soldiers set to work digging earthworks on Mason's and Munson's Hills. The heights swept the plains around Bailey's Crossroads, where the Leesburg & Alexandria Turnpike met the Colombia Turnpike.** As long as the Confederate forces were dug in atop these two hills, the Union Army dare not occupy territory closer to Falls Church and Annandale.

A view of Mason's Hill and Munson's Hill from an 1862 Union Army map, showing their proximity to Falls Church and Bailey's Crossroads (courtesy of Library of Congress).  Washington sits to the northeast (upper right of the map), about nine miles away.  The Leesburg & Alexandria Turnpike runs past Munson's Hill to Falls Church and beyond.  At the time this map was drawn, the Union was in control of this area and had erected forts, which are shown here. Today, historical markers are located near the site of  the Confederate positions on Mason's and Munson's Hills (see here and here).

The position at Mason's and Munson's Hills was normally held by a couple regiments of infantry, a battery, and Stuart's cavalry.  The infantry and artillery units rotated every few days, but Stuart's men remained a permanent fixture.  Longstreet remembered in his memoirs that because "the authorities allowed me but one battery. . . we collected a number of old wagon-wheels and mounted on them stove-pipes of different calibre, till we had formidable-looking batteries, some large enough of calibre to threaten Alexandria, and even the National Capitol and Executive Mansion."  (Longstreet, 60.)  According to Private Edgar Warfield of the 17th Virginia, Co.H, the soldiers had some fun with the stovepipe gun at the Union Army's expense.  As he related in his memoirs, "[i]t was a favorite trick to run it out into the center of the road and go through the motions of loading a gun and pointing it at the enemy, who promptly stampeded, under the impression that we had a piece of artillery with us." (Warfield, 60.)

The Confederates, taking full advantage of their position on the high ground, erected signal stations on Mason's and Munson's Hills. Officers from General Wade Hampton's Legion sent messages at night from across the Potomac to Munson's Hill. The Confederates also hatched a clever scheme to relay messages to Munson's Hill from Washington. An ex-Maryland legislator, E. Pliny Bryan, was sent to rent a room in Washington from which Munson's Hill could be seen. As described by E.P. Alexander, who at the time was active in Confederate intelligence gathering and signal work:

[Bryan] was to take the bearing of the hill by compass from his window, and communicate it to us by an agreed-upon advertisement in a daily paper, which we received regularly. This would give us the bearing on which to turn our powerful telescope, loaned for the purpose by a Charleston gentleman, and in position on Munson's Hill. Then we would identify his window by finding a coffee-pot in it, and by motions of the coffee-pot, and opening and shutting the blinds, etc., he would send his messages, and we would reply, if necessary, by a large flag and by firing guns. (Cummins 93.)

The plan was on the verge of being executed in September 1861, when the Confederates abandoned their advanced positions.

Looking at the Confederate earthworks on Munson's Hill down the Leesburg & Alexandria Turnpike from Bailey's Crossroads, September 1861 (courtesy of Virginia Historical Society).  The Confederate flag atop Munson's Hill was seen from as far away as Washington.  This sketch was drawn by Union soldier Robert Knox Sneden. 

At the end of August, the Confederates raised the Stars and Bars on Munson's Hill.  The New York Times informed its readers that the large flag "was visible with a glass from the top of the shiphouse at the Navy-yard" in Washington.  A similar flag was raised from Mason's Hill.  The presence of the Confederates so close to Washington, flying their flag defiantly and in plain view from the capital, caused consternation among Washingtonians and in the Union ranks. 

In September 1861, Longstreet moved the headquarters of his advanced forces to Home Hill  in Falls Church.  At the time of the Civil War, Home Hill was owned by John Bartlett, a transplant from New York.  The property is now called the Lawton House and is located on Lawton Street, just off of VA-7.  The photograph above shows Home Hill today.

Historical marker in front of Home Hill, recalling Longstreet's stay at the property. 

During this time, the Union Army relied on aerial reconnaissance by Professor Thaddeus S.C. Lowe, who ascended in his balloon from Ft. Corcoran, Ball's Cross Roads, and Chain Bridge to observe the Confederate positions on the two hills.  According to Confederate General Jubal Early, Lowe kept a balloon up "almost constantly." (Early, 49.)  Confederate gunners atop Munson's Hill found Lowe an inviting target and fired shots at his balloon. Luckily for Lowe, they missed their mark. 

With the armies so close to one another, and tensions running high, fighting was bound to erupt in the no-man's land between the lines. In the next installment, I examine the skirmishing that took place around Munson's Hill and Bailey's Crossroads at the end of August and start of September 1861.

Notes

*According to an August 29, 1861 letter from Longstreet's aid, Tom Goree, to his uncle and sister, this advance likely took place around August 27.
**Bailey's Crossroads was spelled "Bailey's Cross Roads" at the time of the Civil War.

Sources

Edmund H. Cummins, "The Signal Corps in the Confederate States Army," Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XVI, at 93 (1888).

Thomas W. Cutrer, Longstreet's Aide: The Civil War Letters of Thomas J. Goree (1995).

Jubal Anderson Early & R.H. Early (ed.), Autobiographical Sketch and Narrative of the War Between the States (1912).

Bradley E. Gernand, A Virginia Village Goes to War: Falls Church During the Civil War (2002).

Frederick Stansbury Haydon, Military Ballooning During the Early Civil War (1941).

James Longstreet, From Manassas to Appomattox (1896).

Charles P. Poland, Jr., The Glories of War: Small Battles and Early Heroes of 1861 (2004).

"Special Dispatch from Washington," dated Aug. 31, 1861, New York Times, Sept. 1, 1861 edition.

Lee A. Wallace, Jr., 17th Virginia Infantry, from the Virginia Regimental History Series (1990).

Edgar Warfield, Manassas to Appomattox: The Civil War Memoirs of Pvt. Edgar Warfield, 17th Virginia Infantry (1996 ed.).

Jeffry D. Wert, General James Longstreet: The Confederacy's Most Controversial Solider (1994).

Another Addition to the Collection

The other day I was in a mood to add another antique Civil War book to my collection.  At this point, however, I am looking for some relatively rare first editions, like Jefferson Davis' The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government or James Longstreet's From Manassas to Appomattox.  When I found these books online, the prices were astronomical, so I decided to explore the world of Civil War-era newspapers, which by and large are a little more within my budget.  While on eBay, a May 31, 1861 edition of the New York Semi-Weekly Tribune caught my eye because it contained a period map of Washington and surroundings.  I bought the paper, and it arrived on my doorstep just yesterday.

The map did not disappoint.  It indicates the location of several buildings and landmarks, including the Smithsonian Institution, the as-yet unfinished Washington Monument, the "President's House" (White House), the Capitol, and the War & Navy Department.  The map also marks various points in Northern Virginia, such as Little Falls Bridge (Chain Bridge), Bailey's Cross Roads, and Arlington Heights.

Photo of May 31, 1861 New York Semi-Weekly Tribune (courtesy of seller)

The paper contains a fascinating assortment of news items. The front page, in an editorial-style piece, cries "To Richmond! To Richmond! Onward!"  There is extensive coverage of General Ben Butler at Fortress Monroe, as well as early movements by both armies in Western Virginia.  The paper was published only a week after the Union entered Virginia, so several news pieces cover the occupation of Alexandria.  I also found an article on James Jackson, who had killed Union Colonel Elmer Ellsworth in Alexandria only the week before.  Aside from war news, the edition covers foreign news, such as an earthquake in Argentina.  The back page contains business news, including agricultural tidbits like cattle and coffee prices.  There are also plenty of vintage advertisements. 

In future posts, I may reference some of the more interesting articles in the newspaper.  I am not sure if I will be collecting newspapers in addition to books, but I felt quite a connection to the past holding my new purchase, knowing that nearly 150 years ago, someone was getting a daily dose of war news from this paper.  How did that person feel? What must it have been like to see such drama unfold? Collecting a document such as this conjures up all kinds of thoughts and images.  I think I can see myself buying a few more old newspapers.  Just don't tell my wife!

Meade Reacts to the Grand Review

A couple of weeks ago I wrote about the famous Grand Review at Bailey's Crossroads on November 20, 1861.  Not everyone in the Union Army appeared as impressed with the day's event as was General McClellan.  General George G. Meade, commander of a brigade of Pennsylvania Reserves and future leader of the Army of the Potomac, was less than satisfied.  I recently came across the following letter written by General Meade at Camp Pierpont to his wife, dated November 21, 1861: 

I intended to have written to you last evening, but came back so tired from the grand review that I went right to bed. I have no doubt the papers will give you a glowing description of this event, so long talked about. For my part, all I can say is that I got up at half-past 3 A. M., the morning very cold, with a heavy frost lying on the ground. At 6 o'clock we moved and marched nine miles to the ground, at Bailey's Cross-Roads, where we arrived about 10 o'clock, and were posted in a field where the mud was six inches deep, and where we stood for four hours, after which we marched past General McClellan, and then home, where we arrived, tired, hungry and disgusted, at about 7 P. M. The day was cloudy, cold and raw, and altogether the affair as a "spectacle" was a failure. I understand the object of the movement was to show the soldiers what a large and well disciplined army had been collected together, and thus give them confidence in themselves. I fear standing in the mud for four hours and marching nine miles there and back took away greatly from the intended effect. My own brigade did very well going to the review and on the ground, but returning I found it utterly impossible to keep the men in the ranks. I used all my influence with the officers first, and afterwards with the men, but ineffectually, and at last abandoned it in disgust, one regiment being by the time it reached camp pretty much all broken up and scattered. I felt annoyed when I got back, and wearied at the fruitless efforts I had made. There was a notion that the Grand Review was to be converted into a fight by making a dash at Centreville, ten miles distant from the ground, but, instead of this, the enemy made a dash at us, driving in our pickets on several parts of the line and killing several of them. They also kept up a practicing with their heavy guns all the afternoon, as if in defiance of our parade. General Smith required his division to cheer McClellan. He passed our division front, but, not being posted in the programme, we were silent.

From The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Volume I, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1913 (available on Google Books).

General George G. Meade (courtesy of Wikipedia/Library of Congress)

What a way to rain on Little Mac's parade! Meade's foul reaction to the review stands in contrast to the attitude of some soldiers in his own division  of Pennsylvanians, who were moved by the display of military might and proud to participate in such an event.  (See previous post.)  Meade would one day have a chance to lead his own parade when he marched at the head of the Army of the Potomac, 80,000-strong, in the Grand Review of May 1865.

The Grand Review at Bailey's Crossroads

Looking today at the commercial sprawl of Bailey's Crossroads in Northern Virginia, it is difficult to imagine the rural character of the landscape during the nineteenth century.  In November1861, Bailey's Crossroads was the site of the largest military review ever seen on North American soil up to that time.  Throughout the previous months, the area around Bailey's Crossroads lay in a virtual "no-man's land" between Confederate forces at Munson's Hill to the northwest and Union lines outside of Alexandria.  The area fell into Northern hands when the Confederates withdrew in late September 1861.

General George B. McClellan, commander of the Army of the Potomac, had expended much effort after the defeat at Bull Run whipping his raw recruits into a fighting force.  A Grand Review would provide McClellan with an opportunity to showcase the results of his organizational prowess.  Early on the cold morning of November 20, 1861, troops from seven divisions of the Army around Washington began marching towards Bailey's Crossroads.  McClellan wanted a great display of force, but as the New York Times reported, he ensured that the "pickets on the outposts [were] considerably strengthened" while the divisions were away.

Around 20,000 to 30,000 spectators gathered to watch the review.   According to the Times:

As no passes were required it was free to everyone who could procure a conveyance, or who chose to walk, the distance being about eight miles by the route which they were obliged to take. The roads were guarded the entire distance, so that civilians without written permission could not diverge from the prescribed limits of travel. 

The scene made an impression on Sergeant Oren M. Stebbins of the famed 1st Pennsylvania Rifles, also known as the "Bucktails." In a November 24, 1861 letter to his local newspaper, he noted that spectators were "filling the trees, covering the house tops and barns, and swarming on every vacant spot, all anxious to behold the grandest military display, that ever was witnessed in America."

As the troops arrived in Bailey's Crossroads, they were organized into a semi-circle of four miles.  At the start of the ceremony, fifteen batteries fired a salute and then McClellan, along with President Lincoln, Secretary of War Simon Cameron, and Secretary of State William H. Seward, "all on horseback, rode rapidly along the line, meeting with continuous and enthusiastic cheers from the soldiers."  (New York Times, Nov. 21, 1861.)  As J.P. Sheibley of the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves described the scene to his brother, McClellan, Lincoln, and the Cabinet, "were welcomed with loud huzza's from the soldiers, and bands playing 'Hail to the Chief'.  It was a sight that made the pulse beat quick."



"The Great Review at Bailey's Cross Roads, Virginia, on November 20, 1861 -- Sketched by Our Special Artist From the Top of a Barn," Harper's Weekly, December 7, 1861 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)

The dignitaries returned to the review stand, and at one-thirty in the afternoon, the seven divisions began to file past in a procession that lasted three hours.  General George A. McCall's Pennsylvania Reserves, led by the  "Bucktails," went first, followed by the divisions of Generals Samuel P. Heintzelman, William "Baldy" Smith, William B. Franklin, Louis Blenker, Fitz John Porter, and Irvin McDowell.  According to the Times, the force consisted of "a total of 76 regiments of infantry, 17 batteries and seven regiments of cavalry, perhaps in all about 70,000 men."  (Most accounts, including Harper's Weekly, reported 70,000; McClellan claimed 65,000 in a letter written that day, while the historical marker in Bailey's Crossroads notes 50,000.) After passing the review stand, the soldiers headed back to their camps around Washington.

Bailey's Crossroads, at the corner of Leesburg Pike and Columbia Pike (in 1861, the Leesburg & Alexandria Turnpike and the Columbia Turnpike).  In 1837, Hachaliah Bailey from Westchester County, New York purchased land at this intersection and built his home "Moray" here.  Union officers and their families boarded at Moray during the Civil War.  Today, only Moray Lane remains.  The windmill to the left of the highway marker is all that is left of the rural landscape. (Thanks to my wife for snapping the picture.)

The reaction of officers present in the stands was described by Harper's Weekly in the December 7, 1861 edition:

The passage of this large army of volunteers elicited the strongest praise from the very formidable body of old army officers who sat in review. General Stunner, who now for the first time since his return from the Pacific witnessed an exhibition of the progress in drill of the volunteers, expressed much surprise that men coming from civil life should, in so short a period, have been able to compete in soldierly appearance with the veterans of the regular army.

McClellan also was very content with his Army's performance.  He wrote to his wife that night at half past eight:

The Grand Review went off splendidly. . . not a mistake was made, not a hitch.  I never saw so large a Review in Europe so well done -- I was completely satisfied & delighted beyond expression.

Unfortunately for McClellan, his skills on the battlefield did not match his skills as an organizer of military reviews.