The Pennsylvania Reserves in Northern Virginia 1863, Part II: Farewell to Hooker's Army

As I wrote in my last post, the Pennsylvania Reserves faced a somewhat uncertain future at the start of 1863.  The division had experienced tremendous losses during the bloody battles of 1862.  Gen. George G. Meade, a former commander of the Reserves, took up his old division's cause and pushed to have the Reserves sent back to Pennsylvania to recruit and reorganize.  Pennsylvania's Governor, Andrew Curtin, likewise urged the Lincoln Administration to allow the Reserves to return temporarily to the Keystone State.  These pleas went unheeded at army headquarters, and the Pennsylvanians soon joined the rest of Ambrose Burnside's men on the ill-fated "Mud March."

A Plan is Hatched

By the end of January, the situation began to look brighter for the hard-fought Pennsylvanians.  Gen. Joseph Hooker, the new commander of the Army of the Potomac, and General-in-Chief Henry W. Halleck finally agreed on a plan to deal with the manpower problems facing the Reserves.  The division was to be detached from the Army of the Potomac and sent to the defenses of Washington in exchange for a like number of Pennsylvania troops then stationed around the capital.  (OR, 1:25:2, 12.)  The Pennsylvania Reserves would return to the front once they had some time to replenish their ranks and recover from combat duty.  Gen. Samuel P. Heintzelman, head of the Department of Washington, was less than enthusiastic about the idea.  He worried that the Reserves were ill-equipped for provost duty in Washington given that "some of the companies are commanded by sergeants and corporals."  (OR, 1:25:2, 10.)  Heintzelman told Halleck, "I fear that the exchange cannot be made with any benefit to the service in my command."  (OR, 1:25:2, 10.)  Whatever his objections, however, Heintzelman would have no choice but to accept his superior's decision.

Gen. Joseph Hooker (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Meanwhile, the men in the ranks began to hear rumors about their imminent departure for Washington.  A soldier from Co. H, 6th Pennsylvania Reserves wrote on January 28 to his hometown paper, "[W]e – that is the old regiments of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps of Volunteers – are soon to be relieved from the front (where they have always been found), by the troops now stationed in and about Washington, while we are to take their place."  (Wellsboro Agitator, Feb. 11, 1863.)  He felt that the division was "not in the least dissatisfied with the arrangement, altho’ we wish to have no men see the service that the Reserves have been obliged to."  (Wellsboro Agitator, Feb. 11, 1863.)  Sgt. Thomas W. Dick of Co. H, 12th Pennsylvania Reserves, informed his brother of "reliable information to the effect that we are going back to Washington to rest and recruit."  (Ltr. from T.W. Dick to Brother, Feb. 2 1863.)  Dick  approved of the plan, telling his brother, "its what should have been done before this There is now but a miserable remnant of the gay old division that marched from [Camp] Pierpont last spring."  (Ltr. from T.W. Dick to Brother, Feb. 2 1863) (grammar as in original)

Orders!

On February 5, Hooker finally issued orders to transfer the Pennsylvania Reserves.  (OR, 1:25:2, 49-50; 52-53.)  He instructed Gen. John F. Reynolds, head of the First Corps, to send the division to Alexandria with instructions to report to Heintzelman for orders.  Hooker added that "[t]he sick and all the baggage of the troops should be taken with them."  (OR, 1:25:2, 50.)  The chief quartermaster would "furnish the transportation," although Hooker told Reynolds that "[t]he details of the embarkation are left with you, with reliance upon your energy and attention."  (OR, 1:25:2, 50.) 

That same day, Reynolds issued an order directing the Pennsylvania Reserves to embark at Belle Plain for Alexandria, "as soon as transportation is furnished."  (OR, 1:51:1, 981.)  The 121st and 142nd Pennsylvania, who were not part of the original Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps, were ordered to remain behind, along with three artillery batteries.  Reynolds informed the men that they would receive three days' cooked rations for the trip north.  He finished his order on a sentimental note:

In separating from the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps, with which the commanding general has been so closely allied for the past eighteen months, he cannot but express his deep regrets. They are, however, lessened by the hope that soon their thinned ranks will be filled, and they, once more restored and reorganized, will be returned to the field prepared to add new luster to a name already endeared to our patriotic State.  (OR, 1:51:1, 981-82.) 

Wartime view of Belle Plain, Virginia on Potomac Creek (courtesy of Library of Congress)

The men of the Pennsylvania Reserves received news of their impending move with enthusiasm.  According to one regimental history, "[i]n despite of the cold rain the camp-fires were soon brightly burning, around which the boys gathered and talked of the good times coming until late at night."  (Woodward, Third Reserve, 224.)  The next afternoon, February 6, the division struck camp and marched about four miles to Belle Plain on Potomac Creek. The journey lasted well into the evening due to the wet and muddy conditions.  The First Brigade boarded transports during the night and headed up the Potomac.  The Second and Third Brigades set out for Alexandria in the morning.  As the men arrived at the wharves along the river, they must surely have felt a sense of relief to leave behind life at the front, if only for a little while.

Postscript

The transfer of the Reserves soon became mired in a dispute between Hooker and Washington.  Gen. Abner Doubleday, who assumed command of the Pennsylvania Reserves for a short while in the middle of January, had gone to the capital to oversee arrangements for the exchange. (OR, 1:51:1, 974.)  After the division arrived in Washington, Doubleday reported to Hooker that "[t]he Pennsylvania regiments given in place of the Reserves do not contain as many men as the latter brought here."  (OR, 1:25:2, 63.)  He concluded that there was "a deficiency of about 250 men."  (OR, 1:25:2, 63.)  Hooker fired off a dispatch to Halleck on February 10,  insisting that "this deficiency be made up, and that General Heintzelman be directed to send the full number, according to the understanding, viz, the same number of men as were returned in the Pennsylvania Reserves."  (OR, 1:25:2, 63.) Halleck tersely replied that "[r]egiments cannot be broken up in order to exactly equalize."  (OR, 1:25:2, 63.)

Hooker wouldn't let the shortfall go.  He pressed his cause with Heintzelman directly.  (OR, 1:25:2, 69-70.)  The commander of the Washington defenses informed Hooker that he had been told to exchange the Reserves for Pennsylvania troops only and that some of some of the soldiers designated for the Army of the Potomac had been detained in Washington for reasons beyond his control.  He had no more to give.  Heintzelman alleged that "[t]he numbers at my disposal were well understood by General Doubleday when he made the application."  (OR, 1:25:2, 83.)

Hooker next unleashed his wrath on Doubleday, demanding that he "report what agreement was entered into by you with General Heintzelman with regard to the exchange of the Pennsylvania Reserves."  (OR, 1:25:2, 87.)   Doubleday insisted that he had done nothing wrong, claiming that "no special agreement was entered into" between him and Heintzelman.  (OR, 1:25:2, 90.)   He told Hooker:

It was understood that I was to have an equal number of men with those I furnished. I never supposed I should have a less number until the Reserves had actually arrived in Alexandria, and a report of their number was laid before General Heintzelman. He then informed me that the aggregate would be less than that furnished by some 230 men.  (OR, 1:25:2, 90.)

Doubleday also took offense at Hooker's accusation that he had not given his personal attention to the matter, explaining that he had "visited General Heintzelman's office every day, and frequently several times a day, in relation to it," and "was also a daily visitor at the Adjutant-General's Office of the General-in-Chief" concerning the exchange.  (OR, 1:25:2, 90.)  Heintzelman received a copy of Doubleday's response, but when all was said and done, Hooker turned his attention to more pressing matters.   Meanwhile, the Reserves prepared for duty on the picket line in front of the capital.

Up Next:  Military duties in front of Washington.

Sources

Aside from the Official Records, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

John H. Eicher & David J. Eicher, Civil War High Commands (2001); Joseph Gibbs, Three Years in the Bloody Eleventh: The Campaigns of a Pennsylvania Reserves Regiment (2002); Ltr. from T.W. Dick to Brother, Feb. 2 1863 (courtesy of P.R.V.C. Historical Society); J.R. Sypher, History of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps (1865); Wellsboro Agitator, Feb. 11, 1863 (courtesy of P.R.V.C. Historical Society); Evan M. Woodward, History of the Third Pennsylvania Reserve (1883); Evan M. Woodward, Our Campaigns (1865).

The Pennsylvania Reserves in Northern Virginia 1863, Part I: What to Do with a "Decimated" Division?

This blog has frequently featured stories on the Pennsylvania Reserves.  The division, also known as the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps, was encamped around Langley, Virginia during the first winter of the war.  In spring 1862 the Reserves relocated to Alexandria before marching south to Falmouth.  They eventually joined the Army of the Potomac just in time for the Seven Days Battles on the Peninsula.  The Reserves also saw intense combat at Second Manassas, South Mountain, Antietam, and Fredericksburg.  As the bloody second year of the war drew to a close, the Union Army's high command debated the future of the battered division and finally decided to move the Reserves back to the Washington area.  In the next few posts, I will take a look at the return of the storied Pennsylvania Reserves to Northern Virginia. 

Even before the costly engagements at Antietam and Fredericksburg, brigade commander George G. Meade had begun to worry about the state of the Reserves.  The general wrote to his wife on September 4, 1862 that "[o]ur division, the Reserves, is pretty well used up, and ought, strictly speaking, to be withdrawn, reorganized, filled up with recruits, and put in efficient condition."   (Meade 308.)   Meade led the Reserves through the carnage at Antietam, where the division suffered causalities of around 20 percent. (OR, 1:19:1, 270-71.)  After the battle, Meade discussed the "decimated condition" of the division with George B. McClellan, head of the Army of the Potomac.  As he wrote to his wife:

I. . . told [McClellan] that I had no idea they would ever be filled up by recruiting officers, and the only course I saw to adopt was to send them in a body back to Pennsylvania, and ask the Governor and State to fill them up within a specified time; but if it could not be done, they were to be mustered out of service.  (Meade 315.)

Around the same time, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin attempted to enlist political support for the reorganization of the Reserves.  In a September 30 letter to President Abraham Lincoln, Curtin suggested that the heavily depleted division be returned temporarily to the Keystone State.  The governor explained to the President:

The brilliant history of the Reserve Corps in the war, and the State pride which has followed them since they entered the service, together with the circumstances surrounding their organization, would, I have no doubt, prove such incentives to enlistment that the Corps could be filled to the maximum in a short space of time. (in Sypher 398.) 

Lincoln forwarded Curtin's letter to General-in-Chief Henry W. Halleck and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton for consideration.  The General-in-Chief "entirely disapprov[ed] of withdrawing regiments in the field" for purposes of filling the ranks with new recruits.  (OR, 3:2, 625.)  Curtin also wrote to McClellan, who "thought favorably of the plan, but having immediate use for the troops, was unwilling to retire them at that time."  (Sypher 398; OR, 1:21, 878.)   The division would stay at the front for now.

Gen. George G. Meade (courtesy of Civil War Wiki.Net)

After the fight at Fredericksburg in December, Meade tried once again to deal with the poor condition of the Pennsylvania Reserves.  On December 23, he sent a report on the state of the unit to Gen. William B. Franklin, commander of the Left Grand Division.  As Meade told Franklin, only 195 officers and 4,249 enlisted men were present for duty.  Another 159 officers and 3,740 men were absent with permission.  Meade noted that "to fill these regiments to the maximum authorized, will require 153 officers and 4,864 men."  (OR, 1:21, 877-78.)   However, he cautioned that "of the number reported as absent, a very large proportion are the wounded, most of whom are so maimed and disabled that no expectation need be formed of their returning to active duty."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  Meade felt that in reality a reorganization of the Pennsylvania Reserves "required the appointment of over 200 officers and the enlistment of over 7,000 men."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)

The general proposed a course of action to revitalize the Reserves.  Recruiters had gone to Pennsylvania three different times to fill the ranks, but their efforts had met little success.  Meade recognized that the Army could "consolidate the existing force into a number of regiments equal to the officers and men for duty."  He disliked this plan, since it would "destroy[] the organization, and the prestige which the good conduct of the corps has acquired for it."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  Instead, Meade recommended that the Reserves be withdrawn temporarily from the field and sent to Pennsylvania for two or three months, "where, it is believed, from the great reputation the corps has acquired, the pride the State takes in it, and the enthusiasm its return would create, that in a short time its ranks would be filled, after pruning them of all useless members."  (OR, 1:21, 878.)

Gen. John F. Reynolds, head of the First Corps and a former commander of the Reserves, forwarded Meade's proposal to Franklin on January 10, 1863.  Reynolds "concur[red] most heartily" in Meade's recommendation to send the division back home to recover and recruit.  (OR, 1:21, 878.)  The next day, Franklin sent Meade's plan to Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, commander of the Army of the Potomac.  Complimenting the Reserves on their "excellent service," Franklin endorsed Meade's proposal.  (OR, 1:21, 878-79.)

Col. Horatio G. Sickel, who assumed command of the Pennsylvania Reserves upon Meade's promotion at the end of 1862, soon weighed in on the future of the division.  The colonel hoped to enlist Governor Curtin's support in reorganizing the Pennsylvania Reserves.  Sickel sent a copy of Meade's report to Curtin and got the desired response.  The governor readily took up his old cause and forwarded Sickel's correspondence to the War Department.  Secretary of War Stanton, however, had no appetite for Meade's proposal.  According to a history of the Reserves, the Secretary informed Curtin "that numerous similar applications were on file from other States, that all could not be granted without greatly reducing the strength of the army, and that therefore all must be refused."  (Sypher 436.)

The Pennsylvania Reserves had the misfortune of remaining at the front long enough to take part in Burnside's disastrous "Mud March."  But change was in the air by the end of January.  Joseph Hooker took command of the Army of the Potomac and worked with General-in-Chief Halleck to effect a transfer of the Pennsylvania Reserves. The division, however, was far from homeward bound.

Up Next: The Pennsylvania Reserves bid farewell to Hooker's army and board transports for Alexandria.

Sources

Aside from the Official Records, the following sources were useful in compiling this post:

John H. Eicher & David J. Eicher, Civil War High Commands (2001); Joseph Gibbs, Three Years in the Bloody Eleventh: The Campaigns of a Pennsylvania Reserves Regiment (2002); George G. Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1 (1913); J.R. Sypher, History of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps (1865).

Thanksgiving 1862 in the Defenses of Washington Near Chain Bridge

This week as we prepare to celebrate Thanksgiving, I wanted to offer readers a brief look into how Union soldiers defending the nation's capital spent the holiday in 1862.  One hundred and fifty years ago, the area around the strategic crossing of the Potomac at Chain Bridge was home to several regiments.  Camp life offered little excitement, and the men spent their days drilling, performing picket duty, or working on the forts and earthworks.  Thanksgiving provided the soldiers with a welcome respite from the daily grind in front of Washington.

The 118th New York, nicknamed the "Adirondack Regiment," was composed of three-year volunteers from Clinton, Essex, and Warren Counties.  Organized in Plattsburgh, the regiment left for Maryland in early September 1862, but by November 1862 had moved to the area around Ft. Ethan Allen and Chain Bridge.  Governor Edwin Morgan of New York proclaimed Thursday, November 27, as a day of thanksgiving, and the men of the 118th New York took the time to observe the holiday like their friends and family back home.

The soldiers surely were thankful for the "[f]ine and warm" weather on the twenty-seventh.  (Cunningham 34.)  Only the week before the New Yorkers had endured cold, rainy conditions that left 1st Lieutenant John Cunningham "quite wet and 'shivery.'"  (Cunningham 34.)  The regimental chaplain led the boys of the 118th in a service of thanksgiving.  Cunningham and the others also enjoyed a relatively hearty meal.  As the young officer wrote in his diary, "[f]or dinner had bread, salt beef, fried bread, pickles, coffee, cheese and more bread, with bread and molasses for dessert."  (Cunningham 34.)  The entire day left Cunningham "happy and thankful."  (Cunningham 34.)

"Thanksgiving in Camp," Harper's Weekly, Nov. 29, 1862, by Winslow Homer (courtesy of Wikipedia)

The 127th Pennsylvania, known popularly as the "Dauhpin County Regiment," consisted of nine-month volunteers from Dauphin, Lebanon, and Adams Counties.  The regiment headed to Washington in August 1862 and soon took up a position not far from Ft. Ethan Allen and Chain Bridge.  In October, the regiment moved briefly to another spot about three miles from Ft. Ethan Allen, before receiving orders to return closer to the fort.  Col. William Jennings of the 127th christened this place "Camp Dauphin."  According to a history of the 127th Pennsylvania, the camp "was pleasantly located in a young peach orchard, on level, or slightly sloping ground, and was an ideal spot." (History of the 127th Regiment 154.)  The soldiers thought that this location would serve as their home for the winter and began to construct log cabins there.

Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin, like his counterpart from New York, issued a proclamation declaring November 27th as a day of thanksgiving.  On November 26, Lt. Col. Hiram C. Alleman issued a special order "directing" that the next day "should be observed in strict accordance with the Proclamation of Gov. Curtin."  (Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862.)  The order was read to the men at evening dress parade. 

Rev. John Gregg, the regimental chaplain, described how the regiment began Thanksgiving Day in a letter to the Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph of Harrisburg on November 27:

We had a ceremony this morning at 10 o'clock, which was not only interesting, but highly appropriate to the occasion.  The regiment was formed on parade ground, and the Colonel designated company B to escort the colors.  The regiment was then formed into a hollow square, the Governor's Proclamation was read by [the adjutant], and a prayer suitable to the occasion was offered by the Chaplain.  After singing the doxology, and executing some military manoeuvres, both the religious and military exercises closed.  (Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862.)

Gregg added that the regiment "had neither company or battalion drill during the day, and the boys enjoyed themselves to their heart's content."  (Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862.)  Whether liquor was consumed, the reverend did not say!  Gregg took the opportunity to tell readers that "[t]he health of the men is improving and the boys generally seem to be in good spirits."  He was also "glad to inform the friends of religion, that most of those who profess faith in Christ, have formed themselves into a Christian body. . . ."  (Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862.)  Gregg "hope[d] that much good will be accomplished by the united efforts of the members of this body, composed as it is of members of the many Christian denominations represented in this regiment."  (Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862.) 

The 127th Pennsylvania would soon leave the defenses of Washington and march to join the Army of the Potomac along the Rappahannock.  As part of the Second Corps, the regiment fought at the Battle of Fredericksburg on December 13 and suffered more than a hundred casualties.

These recollections of Thanksgiving in camp near Chain Bridge demonstrate the central role that religion played in observing the holiday 150 years ago.  (The separation of church and state seemed a bit less of a concern then too.)  Of course, the soldiers also looked on the day as an opportunity to relax and indulge, just as we do today.  And so, as we prepare to enjoy turkey with all the fixings, I'd like to wish all of my readers a Happy Thanksgiving!

Editorial Note to Readers

I just wanted to let everyone know that due to an increasingly intense and unpredictable work schedule between now and Christmas, the frequency of posts is about to drop.  I'll make my best efforts to get something up in a few weeks, starting with a follow-up on that Chain Bridge blockhouse story.

Sources

Committee of the Regimental Ass'n. of the 127th Pa., History of the 127th Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteers (1902); John L. Cunningham, Three Years with the Adirondack Regiment (1920); New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center, "118th Infantry Regiment: Civil War: Adirondack Regiment;"  N.Y. Times, Oct. 2, 1862; Pa. Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1862; George E. Reed (ed.), Pennsylvania Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VIII: Papers of the Governors, 1858-1871 (1902); Richard A. Sauers, Advance the Colors: Pennsylvania Civil War Battle Flags, Vol. II (1991).

The Presentation of the Colors to the Victors of Dranesville

The month of January 1862 was cold, damp, and miserable for the Pennsylvania Reserves encamped at Langley.  The men huddled inside their crude huts as the snow and rain fell and the ground outside turned into mud.  The winter weather even interfered with the daily routine of army life.  As a soldier from the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves wrote to the Philadelphia Press, "owing to the unfavorable weather with which we have been visited, drill and other duties have been almost suspended."  Nothing, however, not even the elements, could get in the way of bestowing honors on the victors of Dranesville. 

The Pennsylvania Reserves had become the darling of  the political and military establishment ever since the battle.  At the end of the December, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin visited the Reserves at Camp Pierpont and declared that the regiments involved at Dranesville would have the name of the battle inscribed on their standards.  (See here for a recent post on the governor's visit.)  The flags were soon sent to Washington to be painted with the battle honors. 

Flag of the 6th Pennsylvania Reserves with a barely visible "Dranesville" inscription (courtesy of Pennsylvania Capitol Preservation Committee)

Flag of the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves with a faded "Dranesville" inscription (courtesy of Pennsylvania Capitol Preservation Committee)

A couple weeks later, on January 11, the entire division participated in the presentation of the colors to the men who had won the day at Dranesville.  All fifteen regiments, "in full uniform," formed and marched out to the parade ground, which was "in a wretched condition, occasioned by the rains of the previous day."  ("Letter from Camp Pierpont," Phila. Press, Jan. 20, 1862.)  A fifteen-gun salute was fired by the Reserves' artillery, and various regimental bands "returned the compliment."  ("Letter from Camp Pierpont," Phila. Press, Jan. 20, 1862.)  Speaker of the House Galusha Grow of Pennsylvania traveled to Langley for the occasion and met the Reserves on the parade ground.  As the soldier from the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves described the scene:

. . . the color companies attached to the different regiments in [E.O.C.] Ord's brigade took an advanced position, when the flags on which were neatly inscribed the word "DRANESVILLE," in honor of the late victory, were presented by [Grow] -- the ceremony winding up with a few complimentary remarks from that gentleman.  The cavalry and artillery that accompanied the brigade were also on the ground, and were presented with new flags similarly inscribed.*

Rep. Galusha Grow,  Speaker of the House, 1861-63 (courtesy of Wikipedia)

The regiments then filed past Grow and the other notables gathered on the parade ground.  Overall, the soldier from the 7th considered that "the affair passed off admirably" despite the muck and mire.  Perhaps the review lifted more than a few spirits in the middle of the harsh winter.  The glow of Dranesville, however, would grow dimmer as the new year progressed and the war's toll grew to unimaginable proportions.

Note
*Ord's brigade was comprised of the 6th, 9th, 10th, and 12th Pennsylvania Reserves.  All of these regiments were engaged at Dranesville. The 1st Pennsylvania Rifles ("the Bucktails"), although not part of Ord's brigade, also participated in the battle, and it is likely that they also received the inscribed flag during the ceremony.

Sources
"Letter from Camp Pierpont," dated Jan. 14, 1862, Philadelphia Press, Jan. 20, 1862;  O.R. Howard Thomson & William H. Rauch, History of the "Bucktails" (1906).

Governor Curtin Comes to Town

Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin traveled to Washington at the end of December 1861.  The main purpose of Curtin's visit was to discuss his state's military preparedness, including "the best means of defending Pennsylvania from a foreign enemy." (Phila. Press, Dec. 27, 1861.)  The trip would also afford Curtin the opportunity to visit the Pennsylvania Reserves, who had recently captured national attention for their victory over Jeb Stuart at Dranesville.

The governor, a loyal supporter of President Lincoln, immediately attracted attention in the nation's capital.  At Willard's on Pennsylvania Avenue, two or three Pennsylvania regimental bands serenaded the governor.  Curtin "was then called out, and addressed the audience, referring to the part Pennsylvania [had] taken in the war."  The governor extolled the state's "patriotism and faithfulness to the Union" in providing such a "large number of troops. . . all in very fine condition"  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)  The governor "manifested the greatest enthusiasm in the success of the troops" at Dranesville, and assured the Pennsylvania regiments present at the hotel of "his desire to secure to them every comfort in his power."  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)

Gov. Andrew Curtin of Pennsylvania (courtesy of Wikipedia)

On Sunday, December 29, Curtin crossed the Potomac to visit the Pennsylvania Reserves at Camp Pierpont in Langley.  It was a "delightful" winter day.  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)  The governor must surely have felt a sense of pride as he moved among the troops.  After all, Curtin was instrumental in the establishment of the Reserves in the days following Ft. Sumter, and their win at Dranesville had helped to boost morale on the Northern home front. 

The division hospitals were the governor's first stop.  There Curtin "spoke a kind word to each of the soldiers wounded" at Dranesville.  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)  The governor then rode to a hill outside of Langley, where he reviewed the entire division, accompanied  by his political rival and fellow Pennsylvanian, Secretary of War Simon Cameron.  Gen. George B. McClellan, commander of the Army of the Potomac, was still recovering from a very severe illness back in Washington and was not present.

The Press reported that the Reserves were caught unaware of Curtin's visit and only received notice of the review at noon.  However, by 1 p.m, the entire division formed on the review ground and was ready to parade before the dignitaries.  According to the Press, the Reserves "performed the various evolutions with the precision and regularity of veterans. . . .  Their recent victory at Dranesville [had] inspired them with new courage and unbounded confidence in their officers."  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)

Following the military maneuvers, Curtin's carriage pulled up in front of the soldiers.  Brig. Gen. E.O.C. Ord, who had served as the immediate commander at Dranesville, introduced the governor.  Curtin stood and addressed his fellow Pennsylvanians.  The governor made no apologies for paying a visit to camp on the Lord's day.  In fact, he told the Reserves that "it could be no desecration of this sacred day for me to come out and look at the faces of the brave men who are illustrating the power of the nation to suppress insurrection and break down the conspiracy which now threatens our Government."   The governor announced that he had ordered the name of the Battle of Dranesville inscribed on the Reserves' standard.  Noting the "thrill of pleasure and of pride" that was felt in Pennsylvania upon learning of the victory at Dranesville, Curtin offered words of gratitude:

In the name of Pennsylvania, I thank you; I thank you for the honor you have reflected upon the Old Keystone State; I thank you for your courage.  Thousands of people at your homes rejoice over the result.   Thousands more will follow you, if need be, in this war; and at all times when our Government is in peril Pennsylvania, from the Delaware to Lake Erie, every man in the state, every dollar of our material wealth, all our blood and treasure, stand upon the side of right and truth, and they will, as ever, be loyal to the Constitution and to an organized, legitimate Government.

Curtin wished the men future success in battle and concluded his oration:

I commend you to the care of these generals, who lead you, and the Government that protects you in your rights.  I go back to Pennsylvania refreshed by this interview, and prouder than ever I have been of the gallant spirits comprising the Reserve Corps.  Pennsylvania expects every man to do his duty.  With that single word falling upon your ears, I bid you farewell.

The soldiers cheered their governor, and then sent up additional hurrahs for Secretary Cameron and the generals of the Pennsylvania Reserves. 

The next day, Cameron placed political rivalries aside and hosted a dinner for Curtin at his private residence.  Several dignitaries were present, including Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase, Secertary of State William Seward, Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio, and Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts.  During the dinner, President Lincoln himself made an appearance.  The President's drop-by at a Cabinet member's social event apparently broke an unwritten rule of Washington etiquette.  However, as the Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph reasoned, "President Lincoln desired to do the gallant and devoted men of Pennsylvania an honor through his Secretary of War and our Governor."  According to Sumner, much of the conversation focused on the all-consuming Trent affair, although the contribution of the Pennsylvania Reserves at Dranesville likely came up at some point that evening.

The Daily Telegraph reported that Curtin was "eminently successful in his official mission" to Washington.  The governor returned to Pennsylvania, where he continued his efforts on behalf of the Administration and the Union war effort.  Meanwhile, the Reserves could take pride in their own contributions and the recognition that they had received from their esteemed governor.  December had certainly been a month to remember for the soldiers encamped at Langley.

Sources
The Lincoln Institute, Mr. Lincoln's White House, Biography of Andrew G. Curtin; Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph (Harrisburg, Pa.), Dec. 31, 1861; Philadelphia Press, Dec. 27, 1861; Philadelphia Press, Dec. 30, 1861; Edward L. Piece, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 4 (1893).

Thanksgiving 1861 in Washington and the Camps Across the Potomac

At the start of the Civil War, Thanksgiving had not yet become a national holiday.  Earlier Presidents issued Thanksgiving proclamations, but this trend did not continue after James Monroe's Administration.  Instead, each state set aside a day to give thanks.  In 1861, the majority of states, including New York, Pennsylvania, and Vermont, fixed Thursday, November 28, as Thanksgiving.  Massachusetts and Maine established a date of Thursday, November 21.

The governors' Thanksgiving proclamations were inevitably marked by talk of war.  In Pennsylvania, Governor Andrew Curtin beseeched God that "our beloved country may have deliverance from those great and apparent dangers wherewith she is compassed, and that the brave and loyal men now battling in the field for her life may have their arms made strong and their blows heavy."  Curtin also prayed that the "rebellious people" would "see the error in their ways" and "obediently walk in His holy commandments, and in submission to the just and manifest authority of the Republic."  (Phila. Press, Oct. 25, 1861.)  Governor Edwin Morgan of New York began his proclamation by recalling that "[a]mid the tramp of armies, the sound of fratricidal strife and lamentation for the fallen, we still behold the merciful arm of the Ruler of the Universe made bare for our protection."  The governor reminded his fellow New Yorkers:

We believe that, in the wondrous plan of God, if we but humbly bow before Him and acknowledge our National sins, Infinite Wisdom will work out from this great tribulation a marked and permanent good . . . that this noble Union, the work of men inspired by the loftiest patriotism, the wonder of the world and the glory of this nation, will be preserved.

The government workers in Washington may have had less lofty thoughts in mind as the holiday approached.  According to the November 21, 1861 edition of the Philadelphia Press, although the "City Councils" had selected November 28 as a day of thanksgiving in the District of Columbia,"the Departments will not be closed."  The paper noted, however, that "mercantile business generally throughout the city will, it is said, be suspended after noonday."  President Lincoln soon came to the rescue of government employees.  On November 27, he issued the following order:

The Municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown in this District, have appointed tomorrow, the 28th. instant, as a day of thanksgiving, the several Departments will on that occasion be closed, in order that the officers of the government may partake in the ceremonies.

The workers in Washington took full advantage of the day off. As the Press reported, "the stores are closed, the churches are filled, and the streets present a holiday appearance." Then, as now, the inhabitants of the nation's capital did not pass up the opportunity to imbibe. The Press noted that "[t]he saloons and barrooms [were] well patronized."

Even with all the festivities, the war was never too far away.  Rumors abounded that Thanksgiving Day.  According to the Press, some people believed that "our advanced guard has taken up the line of march towards Fairfax and Centreville."  Others spoke of the flight of Confederate sympathizers from Alexandria.  The Press rightfully considered all of these tales "absurd."



"Thanksgiving-Day in the Army.  After Dinner: The Wish-Bone," by Winslow Homer (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)


Across the Potomac River, the Union soldiers in the camps around Lewinsville and Langley, near present-day McLean, observed the holiday as best they could.  Some men made out pretty well given the normal state of affairs in camp. According to a private from the 2nd Vermont at Camp Griffin,  "in most companies enough extra rations had been disposed of to buy potatoes, fresh pork, chickens, turkeys, and other such luxuries as could be got, and all ate their fill."  (in Zeller 50.)  The men assembled later in the evening and "cooked their oysters, drank cider, and smoked a 'mild Havana,'" while reminiscing and telling stories.  (in Zeller 50.)  All told, this soldier considered that "it was a day of joy, and thanksgiving to us Vermonters."  (in Zeller 50.)  Others, who spent the day on picket duty, or whose regiments were less well supplied with victuals, may have taken exception.

The famed Bucktail Regiment (1st Pennsyvalnia Rifles) of the Pennsylvania Reserves passed a fun Thanksgiving at Camp Pierpont.  According to an officer's account in the December 11, 1861 Philadelphia Press, "the soldiers enjoyed themselves eating oysters and shooting at a target."  As might be expected, the crack marksmen held a contest to show off their skills with a gun. The prizes consisted of "a turkey, two bbls. of apples, and twelve pairs of socks, which had been presented to Colonel [Thomas] Kane by an old lady ninety years old."   The winners of the apples split their bounty with other men from their companies.  The socks got divided among three privates.  According to the prideful officer, "many of the shots would have plunked a rebel's eye at one hundred yards."

The next day would bring a return to the normal routine of camp life.  At least for a little while, the soldiers from Pennsylvania, Vermont, and other states had enjoyed the holiday and perhaps gotten a break from the everyday diet of hardtack and salt pork.  Surely they would rather have been at home with loved ones, and many men must have fervently hoped that they would be back with family in a year's time.  Meanwhile, the business of war, both in the nation's capital, and in the hills and fields across Northern Virginia, would continue.

Sources:

Graz Historical Society, Graz, Pennsylvania, "Thanksgiving 1861--Preparation," Civil War Blog; Abraham Lincoln, Order for Day of Thanksgiving, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 5 (1953),  Plimouth Plantation, "Thanksgiving History;" "Thanksgiving Day; Proclamation," New York Times, Oct. 3, 1861; Paul G. Zeller, The Second Vermont Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 1861-1865 (2002).

All Pennsylvania news articles can be found on the extensive Pennsylvania Civil War Era Newspaper Collection maintained by the Libraries of Penn State University.

Who Were the Pennsylvanians at Langley?

As a native Pennsylvanian, I was very interested to discover that soldiers from Pennsylvania had encamped in the Langley area during the winter of 1861-62.  Readers may recall that I briefly discussed the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps at Camp Pierpont in a previous post about the Civil War in present-day McLean.

In response to President Lincoln's call for volunteers to put down the rebellion in April 1861, Pennsylvania raised more regiments than the U.S. War Department would accept under the state's quota.  Governor Andrew Curtin was not willing to turn away the Pennsylvanians rushing to enlist.  In May 1861, he persuaded the Pennsylvania Legislature to authorize the organization of a "Reserve Volunteer Corps of the Commonwealth" to be armed and equipped from the state treasury.  Four training camps were established in the cities of Easton, Harrisburg, Pittsburgh, and West Chester.  George A. McCall, an 1822 graduate of West Point and decorated Mexican War veteran, was placed in command of the corps.  Notable future commanders would include John F. Reynolds, who rose to lead the First Corps of the Army of the Potomac, only to be killed at Gettysburg, and George G. Meade, Union commander of the Army of the Potomac from Gettysburg until the end of the war.

Brigadier General George A. McCall (Wikipedia)

The Reserve Volunteer Corps consisted of thirteen regiments of infantry, including the famous Pennsylvania "Bucktails" of the 13th Pennsylvania Reserves, also known as the 1st Pennsylvania Rifles.  An artillery regiment and a cavalry regiment were also attached to the corps. The largest number of companies came from Philadelphia County and Allegheny County, where my hometown, Pittsburgh, is located.

A couple of regiments were initially sent to Western Virginia to join the forces of Colonel Lew Wallace.  Following the Union defeat at First Bull Run, the U.S. Government urgently called for additional troops, and requisitioned the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps.  The corps was dispatched to Washington and quartered around Tennallytown (now Tenleytown).  On October 9, 1861, the corps, now a division of the Army of the Potomac, marched across Chain Bridge and established Camp Pierpont, around Langley.  Here the division trained and readied itself for the eventual movement on Richmond.  The third brigade under General E.O.C. Ord participated in the Union victory at Dranesville on December 20, 1861.  In the spring of 1862, the Reserve Volunteer Corps, now a division of the First Corps of the Army of the Potomac, marched to the Fredericksburg area.

1863 Flag of the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves, a Pittsburgh regiment (courtesy of Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps Historical Society)

The Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps had an illustrious war record. During the Seven Days Battles on the Virginia Peninsula (June 25-July 1, 1862), it fought as part of the Fifth Corps. The division was next assigned to the Third Corps of the Army of Virgina during the August 1862 Second Bull Run Campaign, only to be re-assigned to the First Corps of the Army of the Potomac, where it fought at South Mountain, Antietam, and Fredericksburg. At Fredericksburg in December 1862, the division was instrumental in penetrating a portion of the Confederate line. The division was part of the Fifth Corps at Gettysburg, where it helped in the defense of the Union left flank and drove back the Confederates around Plum Run. When the three-year enlistment of the division's soldiers expired in 1864, many re-enlisted in other Pennsylvania regiments.

Encounter at Plum Run by Dale Gallon (depicts the Pennsylvania Reserves forming up under Brigadier General Samuel Crawford to charge the withdrawing Confederate infantry at Plum Run, 

July 2, 1863; courtesy of Assonet Art)

I am continuing to research the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps at Camp Pierpont and hope to include additional material in future posts.  The website of the Pennsylvania Reserve Volunteer Corps Historical Society also contains a wealth of information on the corps, including a a copy of  a complete history of the outfit, written in 1865.

Tenting Tonight on the Old Campground: Present-Day McLean During the Civil War, Part II

In the first installment on the Civil War history of McLean, I described how the area around Lewinsville and Langley became one large encampment for part of the Army of the Potomac from October 1861 to March 1862.  I sometimes drive down Dolley Madison Boulevard on my way to Chain Bridge and try to imagine the rows of tents and huts, laid out like city streets, and the blue clad soldiers drilling or sitting around campfires boiling coffee. Only a red light jolts me back to this century.

Camp Griffin, one of the Union encampments in the McLean area, occupied the historic Salona property and neighboring farms near Langley, including land where the CIA is now located.  During the time of the Civil War, Salona was owned by the Smoot family, who fled to Georgetown with slaves in tow when the Union Army arrived. The property once belonged to Confederate General Robert E. Lee's father and, according to several accounts, housed President Madison during his flight from British invaders in August 1814. (Today, the Salona property is privately-owned, but Fairfax County has a perpetual easement on 41 acres of the property and plans to develop a multi-use park there.) 

General "Baldy" Smith established his division headquarters at the Salona mansion.  According to Smoot family tradition, Salona also served as headquarters of General George McClellan, commander of the Army of the Potomac, from October 1,1861 to the following spring.  Correspondence from October 1861 indicates that McClellan had his headquarters in Lewinsville for a brief time.  He may have stayed at Salona, but for the most part, it appears that McClellan was based in Washington during the relevant time period.

Salona House, c. early1970s (courtesy of Virginia Department of Historic Resources).  Because the house is on private property, I was unable to get close enough to take a picture.

Field on the north side of the Salona property.  Photo was taken from Rt.123/Dolley Madison Blvd.

  

The famous First Vermont Brigade stayed at Camp Griffin starting in October 1861.  General Smith was instrumental in organizing this brigade, composed entirely of Vermont regiments (2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th Vermont Volunteer Infantry).  The Vermont Brigade would go on to distinguish itself in several major battles, including the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Cedar Creek.

The 2nd Vermont Volunteer Infantry at Camp Griffin (Library of Congress)

Camp Pierpont, located around Langley, was the winter quarters of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps, which had been sent to Washington after the disaster at First Bull Run.  These troops were officially organized as a division of the Army of the Potomac under Brigadier General George A. McCall, a Pennsylvanian and commander of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps.  Following the Union victory at Dranesville, Virginia on December 20, 1861, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin came to Camp Pierpont to congratulate the Pennsylvania troops who had participated in the battle.

Regimental colors of the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves (courtesy of Company A, 9th Pennsylvania Reserves reenactment unit) 

According to Jeffry Wert's book The Sword of Lincoln, it appears that the Army of Potomac's 1861-62 winter encampments, like Camp Griffin and Camp Pierpont, were miserable places.  The days were filled with rain, snow, and mud.  Christmas only made the men homesick.  The rank-and-file grew increasingly impatient with the army's inaction.  There had not been a major campaign since Bull Run the previous July. 

The living conditions in cramped quarters became a breeding ground for diseases like typhoid fever, diarrhea, and pneumonia, which spread quickly throughout the camps.  Not far from Langley, the Union Army took over the sandstone house at Benvenue, located around the corner from where I live, and converted it into a hospital.  Hospital tents were also erected on the Benvenue property, and a cottage behind the main house sheltered nurses.  It is not difficult to the imagine the stream of sick young men who suffered at Benvenue during winter camp.

Early morning at Benvenue on Churchill Rd. (private residence)

Fairfax County historic marker at Benvenue (for text of marker and other photos, go here)

Civilians in the Langley and Lewinsville experienced many hardships and depredations during the Union Army's occupation.  Northern soldiers cut down trees and dismantled fences and buildings.  They used the wood for fuel and for building huts and stables.  Troops and horses were quartered on local farms, and the constant wagon traffic cut roads through local fields.  The Lewinsville Presbyterian Church, founded in 1846, was converted into a stable.  The Union troops also confiscated cattle, as well as crops such as oats, corn and hay.  Some soldiers -- the usual bad seeds -- looted private property, taking furniture and other valuables.  When the Union Army moved out in March 1862, it left behind barren countryside and destroyed property.  I am sure that more than a few local residents were glad to see the massive encampment go.