Civil War Views: Log Huts for Contrabands?

Not long ago the Arlington Historical Society posted an engraving from the February 8, 1862 issue of Harper's Weekly on its Facebook page. Entitled, "WINTER-QUARTERS OF THE FOURTEENTH MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS—GARRISON OF FORTS ALBANY AND RUNYON," the illustration sparked my curiosity. Were these the same quarters used to house contrabands in the spring of 1863?

Camp of the 14th Massachusetts near Fts. Albany and Runyon, from Harper's Weekly, Feb. 8, 1862 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net)

As I've chronicled at length on the blog, in May 1863, the Union Army decided to relocate freedmen and women from Washington City to abandoned secessionist properties in Northern Virginia. Here the military intended to pay the contrabands to raise crops for the Union war effort. At the start of June, the army established Camp Todd near Ft. Albany in Alexandria County (now Arlington), on the site of Gen. Silas Casey's former encampment there. As the official report on the establishment of the contraband farms states:

At Camp Todd we have used the log huts put up for the accommodation of Gen. CASEY's encampment. These houses have capacity of holding not less than one thousand people, and are in a good degree of preservation. 

Initially, 230 freedpeople were quartered in the empty cabins. So, did the Union quarter the contrabands in the same huts that are pictured in the Harper's Weekly illustration?

In the fall of 1861, the 14th Massachusetts Infantry arrived in Washington and was assigned to the defenses of Washington, including Ft. Albany. (The regiment was later designated the 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery and saw heavy fighting in the Overland Campaign through Appomattox.) A regimental history takes note of the fine structures built by Company B, 14th Massachusetts:

Through the first winter, 1861-'62, the company remained at Fort Albany at regimental headquarters and built elaborate log barracks. As it was located first in the line on the way from Washington, its quarters were inspected first by the distinguished men who came from time to time, and on several occasions was honored by visits of President Lincoln, who was evidently proud to show some of the foreign officers the ingenuity displayed by his Massachusetts boys in making themselves clean, healthful and comfortable quarters. (Roe & Nutt 13.)

Presumably the log huts in Harper's Weekly show these huts, or similar ones. Various companies of the 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery remained at Ft. Albany until 1864. Meanwhile, in the fall of 1862, part of Silas Casey's division was assigned to protect Ft. Albany. By March 1863, his soldiers had received orders to defend other locations in Northern Virginia. Casey's division was reassigned to Gen. John J. Abercrombie in April 1863, and Casey then took charge of Provisional Brigades around Washington.

All of this history brings us back to the original question -- Could those log huts be the same ones that belonged to Camp Todd? The 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery still guarded the fort in June 1863, when the contrabands arrived, and it seems possible that the cabins were more or less in continual use until the regiment left for the front in spring 1864. Or the huts may have been dismantled for their timber and may not even have been in existence when Camp Todd was established. Casey's men probably built their own cabins to survive the winter of 1862-63, and those huts were presumably the same ones that the Union Army used to shelter the freedpeople in June 1863, since Casey's soldiers had left by that time. Only if Casey's men had taken occupancy of the 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery's huts, or a portion of them, could we assume that the engraving depicts some or all of those inhabited by the residents of Camp Todd.

I suppose my initial enthusiasm for the engraving was a bit misplaced! The huts in Harper's Weekly are more than likely not the same ones later used to house the freedpeople at Camp Todd. Nevertheless, the illustration gives us a good idea of what such structures may have looked like near the same site. The hunt for pictures of the contraband camps in Northern Virginia continues.

Sources

D.B. Nichols, Official Report on Superintendent Nichols Freedman's Department, South Potomac, Quartermaster for the Department of Washington, July 10, 1863, in New York Times, Aug. 9, 1863; "1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery," Civil War in the East;  Official Records, 1:21, 939; 1:25:2, 30, 182, 588; Alfred S. Roe & Charles Nutt, History of the First Regiment of Heavy Artillery, Massachusetts Volunteers, Formerly the Fourteenth Regiment of Infantry, 1861-1865 (1917).

Presentation on the Contraband Camps of Northern Virginia, Loudoun County Civil War Roundtable, Oct. 13

I am pleased to report that the Loudoun County Civil War Roundtable has invited me to speak next month about the contraband camps of Northern Virginia. During the first years of the Civil War, thousands of slaves fled to Washington in search of freedom. As the number of “contrabands” expanded, their living quarters became increasingly overcrowded and unsanitary, while the financial burden on the government continued to grow. Seeking to address these problems, the Union Army relocated freedmen and women to abandoned secessionist properties in Arlington and Fairfax during the spring of 1863. My talk will explore the history of these long-forgotten contraband camps, including economic, social, military, and political dimensions. My presentation will also offer some insights into where the camps were located in Northern Virginia. As readers know, I have devoted a lot of attention to this topic here on the blog, and I look forward to spreading story of the contraband camps to new audiences.

(courtesy of Arlington Hist. Soc.)

Below is some additional information on the event. I hope to see you there!

When: 7:30 pm, Tuesday, October 13

Where: Thomas Balch Library, 208 West Market Street, Leesburg, Virginia. Information on the location, including parking, can be found here.

Attendance is free for first-time attendees of a LCCWRT meeting.

Five Years of Blogging!

Today All Not So Quiet Along the Potomac turns five. When I began blogging in 2010, I wasn't sure what the future of this endeavor would bring. Looking back, I can truly say it's been an interesting, rewarding, and sometimes enthralling experience. I find it hard to believe that I've reached the five-year milestone in what has been one of the busiest times of my adult life.

That said, life's stresses and responsibilities finally took their toll on my blogging this year. For a number of reasons, including a new home, new commute, new daughter, and greater work responsibility, I just couldn't find the time to do a post or two every week, and so I adapted accordingly. I tend to post every other week now. Not that I won't go back to what I was doing a few years ago, but for now, the frequency is likely to remain a bit less than in years past.

At the same time, I've maintained a very active presence on Facebook and Twitter. Truth be told, I communicate more with readers through these social media platforms than through blogging. I also like the immediacy of posting live to Facebook and Twitter whenever visiting battlefields and other Civil War sites.

One of the best things about blogging is the ability to set your own agenda. In prior years, I wrote a heck of a lot about the Civil War encampments of present-day McLean, Virginia. But this year has brought an intense focus on the contraband camps of Northern Virginia. I've enjoyed sharing my discoveries on this little-known topic with my readers. My interest led to a speech before the Arlington Historical Society as well as a related interview with WETA-TV.

I also began to write more about my Civil War ancestor, Pvt. William Baumgarten of the 102nd Pennsylvania. In January, I had the pleasure of talking with William's living grandson, Richard, who happens to be one of my parents' neighbors back in Western Pennsylvania. Richard even gave me a framed photograph of his grandfather. I also took the opportunity to follow William's wartime experiences in 1864, culminating in my participation in a descendants' reception for the 150th anniversary of the Third Battle of Winchester.

And speaking of the Sesquicentennial, this year as in years past I wrote about numerous 150th anniversaries, both large and small. I also reported on my attendance at various Sesquicentennial events at places like Cold Harbor and Ford's Theatre. As the 150th commemorations wind down, I will miss this aspect of blogging, but I would be lying if I didn't admit that I have a bit of burnout on all things Sesquicentennial!

At the start of 2015 I also launched a "Civil War Views" series, which has become a relatively popular feature. I have liked sharing and analyzing various photographs and sketches of the war in Northern Virginia and Washington. And believe me when I say that there is no shortage of rare and lesser-known images to discuss.

As an artilleryman with Cooper's Battery B, 1st PA Light Artillery at an event at the Langley Ordinary, McLean, Virginia in June 2014.

This year I continued to have enriching conversations with my readers and fellow bloggers, who have written to share research, ask advice, or discuss aspects of Northern Virginia Civil War history with me. I thank all of them for their continued interest and enthusiasm, which makes blogging so worthwhile. I also had a chance to participate in a living history event with my friend and reader, Keith Foote, of Cooper's Battery B. Helping to fire that Parrott gun was a true highlight of the year. And publishers continued to send review copies my way. (Look for a review or two in coming weeks....)

I am not sure what the future will hold, although I have a long and backlogged list of topics to cover. Some of these date to my time in McLean; others relate to my new home in Loudoun or random research ideas I've been meaning to explore. In addition, I have my eyes on a few non-blogging Civil War projects. If the last five years are any indication, I am sure that this year will be no exception.

Last but not least, thanks again to all of my readers. I appreciate the interest and am looking forward to the year ahead!

"Heaven Has Seemed to Prosper and Aid Our Cause": Lydia Atkinson Reactsto Lee's Surrender

Today marks the Sesquicentennial of General Robert E, Lee's surrender at Appomattox Court House, Virginia. On this occasion, I thought readers might enjoy a particularly relevant except that I discovered in the diary of Lydia T. Atkinson, a teacher at the contraband camp on Mason's Island.

(courtesy of Wikipedia)

In summer 1864 the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen had sent Atkinson to teach former slaves at Camp Wadsworth in Langley. Due to government policies of binding out children at the camp, her school lost pupils, and the Friends transferred her to Mason's Island in fall 1864. A few months later, Atkinson learned of the momentous news of Lee's surrender. She described her feelings in a diary entry dated April 10, 1865:

Joy upon Joy—cheer upon cheer—love and thanksgiving and praise everywhere! Glory to God in the Highest on earth and Peace Good Will toward men! At dawn this morning were wakened by the loud thundering of guns from the neighboring forts and half sleepily I murmured “Lee has surrendered!” We really thought little of it however until the paper came announcing the glorious tidings! Oh! such a happy, grateful feeling took possession of the heart -- as we began to realize that the war must indeed be over -- and the blessed angel of Peace rest upon our noble banner. It was not the insanity of joy felt when Richmond fell—but a deep quiet happiness too intense for words! Truly God’s blessing seems now to rest upon the American nation! As we have learned to deal justly by the Negro—so Heaven has seemed to prosper and aid our cause.

Atkinson's sense of happiness and relief are incredibly moving, even after 150 years. Her feelings echo those of a war-weary nation upon learning of Lee's surrender that Palm Sunday at Appomattox Court House. Most strikingly, Atkinson's words bear witness to her deep-seated personal belief in the righteousness of the Union's fight for freedom and emancipation. The Quaker teacher, who through her own deeds contributed to the cause, plainly saw the hand of God in the victory over Lee's army.

Reminder

On a related note, I wanted to remind readers that I will be speaking this evening before the Arlington Historical Society about the contraband camps of Northern Virginia. The event will start at 7 p.m at the Reinsch Library auditorium on the campus of Marymount University. Please click here for more information. I hope to see you there!

Source

Thanks to the Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College for providing me with the excepts from Lydia T. Atkinson's Personal Diary from 1864.

WETA and the Arlington Historical Society: Video Short on NOVA's Contraband Camps

A few weeks ago I sat down to an interview on Northern Virginia's contraband camps with Mark Jones, a Senior Manager of Digital Media with WETA, the main PBS station in the Washington area. Mark works with the Arlington Historical Society (AHS) to create video previews of upcoming lectures sponsored by AHS. These shorts are published on Boundary Stones, WETA's local history blog. Mark contacted me about my upcoming presentation on the camps, which is scheduled for this Thursday at 7 p.m. at Marymount University. He and I talked for about an hour or so at the historic Cherry Hill Farmhouse (c. 1845) in Falls Church. We selected the location for the 19th century atmosphere, as well as the site's proximity to the spot where Camp Rucker, a contraband camp, was located. Thanks for Mark for putting together such a great mini-documentary! And so, without further ado, check out the video below and click here to see the entire post at Boundary Stones!

N. Virginia Contraband Camps Presentation, Arlington Historical Society, April 9

I am pleased to report that the Arlington Historical Society has invited me to speak next month about the contraband camps of Northern Virginia. During the first years of the Civil War, thousands of slaves fled to Washington in search of freedom. As the number of “contrabands” grew, their living quarters became increasingly overcrowded and unsanitary, while the financial burden on the government continued to grow. Seeking to address these problems, the Union Army relocated freedmen and women to abandoned secessionist properties in Arlington and Fairfax during the spring of 1863. My talk will explore the history of these long-forgotten contraband camps, including economic, social, military, and political dimensions. My presentation will also offer some insights into where the camps were located in Northern Virginia. As readers know, this is a topic near and dear to my heart, and I look forward to spreading the story of the contraband camps.

Below and at the link is some additional information on the event. I hope to see you there!

When: 7:00 pm, Thursday, April 9

Where: Marymount University, 2807 N. Glebe Rd, Arlington, VA 22207, in the Reinsch Library auditorium.

The program is free and open to the public. For additional information, please contact 703-942-9247.

Directions

For those who take public transit: A free shuttle bus provided by Marymount University is available from the Ballston-MU Metro Station (Orange and Silver lines). The University is also accessible via Metro bus routes 23A and 23T; exit at the N. Glebe Road and Old Dominion Drive stop.

For those who drive: Marymount University provides free parking. Attendees should enter the main entrance gate (located at N. Glebe Road and Old Dominion Drive) and park in the main lot in front of The Lodge. If that lot is full, visitors may also park in the White Garage, located next to the Reinsch Library, or the Blue Garage, located under Ostapenko Hall. The Security Station at the main entrance can help direct where to park.

Contraband Camp Developments, Late Summer & Fall 1864, Part II

Last week I wrote about the efforts of the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen to assist the contrabands living on government farms in Northern Virginia during the summer and fall of 1864. As the organization continued to send more teachers and supplies to help transition former slaves to freedom and self-sufficiency, the Union Army in the Department of Washington pursued tougher policies that were designed to reduce dramatically the number of freedmen and women dependent on the government. Capt. Joseph Brown, head of the Department's Bureau of Freedmen and Government Farms, led the campaign to cut costs.

James Mott, member of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Association and husband of fellow member and famed abolitionist Lucretia Mott (courtesy of Wikipedia).

In November 1864, the Association sent Helen Longstreth and James Mott to the contraband facilities at Mason's Island and Camp Wadsworth. On Mason's Island they found that "the condition of the people had improved" since the Association's visit earlier that fall. (First Annual Rpt. 12.) Longstreth and Mott were pleased with the educational arrangements, despite the loss of one teacher:

The new school room is large, well lighted and ready for the stoves which are promised this week. The discontinuance of the school taught by a daughter of the superintendent places all the children under our care; these at present number about one hundred who can be accommodated in this commodious room. (12.)

Seeing that the supply of water, although better than before, was still "insufficient," they pressed the camp's superintendent, as well as Capt. Brown, to complete construction of an additional well. Both men promised that the work would be "finished at once." (12.)

Longstreth and Mott visited with and interviewed many of the freedmen and women on Mason's Island:

The countenances of a few beamed with pleasure, as they showed us useful articles which they had purchased, with the proceeds of their paid labor. Some were preparing their dinners, but the greater number were sitting listlessly around the stoves, evidently suffering for want of something to occupy their thoughts and attention. Upon our asking them whether they would like to do some kind of work, their faces brightened, and their answers conveyed the idea that anything would be better than idleness, even if they received "no pay," but they preferred "pay." (12-13.)

Based on these observations, they recommended to Brown that the Government support the establishment of an "industrial school, in which [the contrabands] could be employed in making up new, and mending their partly worn, clothing, [and] also receive instruction in cutting out, making and mending such." (13.) They "found him ready to co-operate with us in establishing a school of this kind." The Association "offered to supply one or more teachers," and Brown agreed to furnish a room and supplies. (13.) Nevertheless, the captain warned Longstreth and Mott that the "Government was unwilling to make costly outlays, as the permanency of the camp in this place is doubtful on account of the unhealthiness of the island during several months of the year." (13.) Given Brown's desire to reduce the numbers of contrabands from Mason's Island and other camps, he may have exaggerated the influence that the weather had on his decision about spending more money on the contrabands. [1]

On November 5, Longstreth and Mott traveled to Camp Wadsworth near Langley.They made a troubling discovery that largely stemmed from Brown's policies of apprenticing children and hiring out adults:

Before leaving home we had learned that there were but few children at either the upper or lower camp. [2] The present policy of the Government is to find homes for all children of suitable age to bind out. Many parents not wishing to be parted from their children have left these camps, preferring the uncertainties of seeking their own livelihood without the aid of Government to the probability of what may prove a permanent separation from them. This movement has nearly broken up Lydia T. Atkinson's school. (13.) 

The pair recommended "the transfer of her remaining pupils to the lower camp. . . under the care of Mary McLain, and [Atkinson's] removal to Mason's Island where our school has been so greatly increased." (13.) The two "regret[ted] this suggested change, as the children under [Atkinson's] care had advanced rapidly in their studies, and the adults had greatly improved in house keeping." (13.)

The Friends also uncovered additional issues at Camp Wadsworth:

At the lower camp we found that our teacher had been equally faithful in the performance of her duties, but we were much disappointed to see that the superintendent had built her a very small cabin, which judging from its loose construction will barely protect her from the winter weather. (14.)

Longstreth and Mott went to see the superintendent at his home, but he was not there, so they instead talked to his wife. Based on this conversation, they concluded:

. . . [I]f we wish to do our work well, we must use our influence to induce conscientious farmers and their wives to seek such situations as this man holds, for unless those who have the care of these Government farms go hand in hand with us, and with our teachers, we shall be able to do our duty but partially, and throw discouragements in the path of those who look to us as their true friends. (14.)

The pair at least had some good news to report about Camp Wadsworth and made a few recommendations for future action:

The greater part of the Freed-people, in these two camps, are earning money by cultivating the farms. They are inclined to spend it judiciously. We, therefore, suggest, that our teachers here be furnished with a stock of trimmings and a few other articles in order to form a nucleus for a small store in case it should prove desirable to establish one here. Now, they are obliged to send nine miles to Georgetown for needles, tapes, and other similar articles. (14.)

Longstreth and Mott returned to Philadelphia with their findings. Unfortunately, the Association had little choice but to transfer Atkinson away from Camp Wadsworth due to the impact of Capt. Brown's policies. Time would tell whether the Union Army would deliver on its other promises to assist the Friends in their work among the contrabands. In the meantime, even the two visitors appeared to recognize that the contraband camps had limitations and were perhaps a temporary measure: "We must not, however, forget that it is equally our duty to obtain all the information we can, upon the various modes for elevating the Freedman, in order that we may be prepared to work in other directions, so soon as it is thought best for us to do so." (14.)

PERSONAL NOTE

If you notice a decline in activity on the blog in the upcoming weeks, it's not because I have lost interest in the Civil War! My wife and I are expecting, and things are about to get really busy around the house with a newborn and twin preschoolers. I will try to blog whenever possible, but right now I won't make any promises about regularity of my posts. That said, I will remain active on Twitter and Facebook, so be sure to follow me there as well.

Notes

[1] Between July 1864 and March 1865, the Department reduced the number of freedmen and women on Mason's Island from 1,200 to 500, and the camp was shuttered by mid-1865. (Berlin et al. 261.)

[2] Camp Wadsworth was located on two different properties that had belonged to secessionists before the war. The reference to "upper" and "lower" camp likely refers to this division.

Sources
Ira Berlin et al., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867, Selected from the Holdings of the National Archives of the United States, Series I, Volume II, The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South (1993); Board of Managers, Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen, First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen (1865);  Friends' Intelligencer: A Religious and Family Journal, Vol. XXIII (1867).

Contraband Camp Developments, Late Summer and Fall 1864, Part I

As the Union Army fought over the future of Northern Virginia's contraband camps in the late summer of 1864, the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen continued its work to improve the lives of former slaves living on government farms near Washington. Established by Philadelphia Quakers at the start of the year, the organization provided supplies and teachers to supplement the efforts of Union military authorities. But the debate within the government was not without consequences, and by the end of 1864, the Friends would face the unwelcome challenge of a new and harsher policy towards the contrabands.

An important part of the Friends' charitable activities centered on education. Since starting work in Northern Virginia earlier in the year, the association had sent teachers to Camp Rucker in Falls Church, Camp Wadsworth in Langley, and Mason's Island. In August 1864, the Friends decided to increase the number of teachers to meet the growing needs of the contraband community. Mary McLain was dispatched to Camp Wadsworth, while Margaret Preston was installed at Mason's Island. [1]

Map of contraband quarters at Mason's Island (courtesy of TR Center). Hospital buildings are shown in the center of the drawing.

The Friends also provided the contraband camps with clothing, sewing supplies, dry goods, and other household items. At least some of these donations were sold to the freedmen and women, presumably at a discount. [2] In September 1864, the Friends' Association decided to disband its Committee on Supplies and established a new Sanitary Committee. The Board appropriated $500 to the committee for the purchase of hospital supplies for Mason's Island. That month, the committee issued the call for donations in the Friends' Intelligencer:

The undersigned, a sanitary committee of said Association, solicit from Friends and others, contributions of hospital stores, which will be judiciously distributed by nurses and teachers sent out by the Association to Mason’s Island, Camp Wadsworth, and other points in the vicinity of Washington. 

The articles most needed, are dried fruits,such as apples, peaches, cherries, plums, and blackberries; also blackberry and other syrups, and all other articles suitable for the sick and convalescent.

Contributions of bed-covering, and clothing for women and children, will be very acceptable, as they are greatly needed. Free transportation has been granted by Government from Philadelphia. (456.)

At the same time the Friends were intensifying their involvement with the camps, Capt. Joseph Brown, an assistant quartermaster, took over primary responsibility for the contrabands in the Department of Washington from the outgoing Chief Quartermaster, Lt. Col. Elias Greene. Brown pursued decidedly stricter policies than Greene, who had lost his job as the result of an Army report critical of his management of the contraband camps. Brown, the head of the Department's Bureau of Freedmen and Government Farms, wanted to rid the government of the expense and trouble of caring for the freedmen and women in the camps and tried to send as many to the Northern States as possible. He also departed from Greene's policy of keeping families together. Brown thought nothing of apprenticing children to local households and hiring out their parents on separate jobs.

Toward the end of September the Friends' Sanitary Committee sent Louisa J. Roberts and Margaret A. Griscom to Mason's Island. Roberts wanted to meet with the new Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington, Col. John Ellison, to explain "the wants of our teachers and the people among whom they labor." (First Annual Rpt. 10.) Following her conversations with Ellison, Roberts reported that "[o]ur teachers appear to have his entire confidence, and he seems willing to do all that lies in his power, to promote their comfort and efficiency." (First Annual Rpt. 10.) As to Mason's Island, the visitors found:

The condition of the people. . . is much improved; the great mortality that prevailed during the latter part of the summer, has given place to a more healthy condition, attributable to the success that has attended our efforts to provide hospital accommodations, and to the approach of colder weather. (First Annual Rpt. 11.)

Nonetheless, Roberts and Griscom saw indications of troubles yet to come. As the Friends' Education Committee reported in October, "many grievances were found to exist at Camp Wadsworth, and it was believed that through their representations to the proper authorities most of these would be redressed." (Friends' Intelligencer 521.) The Friends were betting on the willingness of the new military leadership to assist, but Brown's policies were fast becoming a part of the problem.

Up Next

Camp Wadsworth suffers a setback.

Notes

[1] Preston was also charged with nursing responsibilities, as the circumstances required.

[2] According to the Friends' Association's First Annual Report:

The people on the two farms composing [Camp Wadsworth] evince a desire to support themselves, and they have paid for a considerable  portion of the clothing distributed among them. (10.)

Sources

Ira Berlin et al., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867, Selected from the Holdings of the National Archives of the United States, Series I, Volume II, The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South (1993); Board of Managers, Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen, First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen (1865);  Friends' Intelligencer: A Religious and Family Journal, Vol. XXI (1865).

The Fallout from the Report on the Contraband Camps in Northern Virginia, 1864

Back in September I wrote about the Union Army's investigation of the contraband camps in Northern Virginia during the summer of 1864. The inspectors' report, authored by Majors Elisha Ludington and Charles Compton, condemned the military's experiment in transitioning slaves to freedom and economic independence. The officers called the government farms in Arlington, Langley, Lewinsville, and Falls Church nothing more than "expensive toys" and recommended that they be disbanded once the current growing season was over. (Berlin et al. 341.) The report was sent to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and soon landed on the desk of Quartermaster General Montgomery Meigs.

The inspectors' conclusions did not sit well with Meigs, who had supported the efforts of Lt. Col. Elias M. Greene, the Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington, to establish the government farms on abandoned secessionist properties in Northern Virginia. The report singled out Greene's ideas for particular scorn. Meigs wrote to Stanton on August 15, 1864 to register his objections.

Lt. Col. Elias M. Greene, Chief QM of the Dept. of Washington (courtesy of Civil War Badges).

Meigs disputed the inspectors' accounting, arguing that the farms were actually turning a profit. In any event, the camps provided intangible benefits that far outweighed their cost. The farms ensured "healthful and useful employment for a considerable number of men and women who were not fit for the active and hard work of the army." (344.) The camps had also led to a drop in disease among the contrabands, who previously lived in crowded and unsanitary conditions in Washington City, and prevented the spread of smallpox to the white population of the nation's capital. Meigs further believed that the government had an obligation to care for the wives and children of those who were fighting for the Union. As he noted in his letter to Stanton, "the United States. . . must take care that they do not starve." (345.)

The Quartermaster General rejected the recommendation that the government farms be discontinued. However, he proposed that employment on the farms be limited to women and the infirm and that their pay "be reduced. . . to a mere reward, enabling the laborer to procure tobacco or some such luxury." (345.) Meigs overall defended Greene's contraband policies, and praised him for "the improvement in the condition, treatment and health of these poor creatures, and the cessation of the criticisms and complaints of the press." (345.)

Meigs's letter to Stanton was endorsed by the Inspector General, Col. James Hardie, and sent to Maj. Ludington with a request to take another look at the report's conclusions. Although Ludington lowered his cost estimate for the government farms, he still found that they ran at a loss to the government. He refused to take make any other changes or alterations to the original report.

Despite Meigs's best efforts, Greene lost his job over the inspectors' findings and criticisms. He was sent to the Western Theatre, and his duties largely fell to Capt. Joseph Brown, an assistant quartermaster of who became head of the Department of Washington's Bureau of Freedmen and Government Farms. The government farms, however, continued in operation against the inspectors' recommendations. Unfortunately, Brown would prove far from sympathetic to the plight of the freedmen and women living in the contraband camps.

Source

I am grateful once again to the historians of the Freedmen and Southern Society Project who compiled the primary source documents referenced here in Ira Berlin et al., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867, Selected from the Holdings of the National Archives of the United States, Series I, Volume II, The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South (1993).

A Stinging Indictment of the Government Farms in Northern Virginia, July 1864

Earlier this summer I wrote about the state of Northern Virginia's contraband camps in Northern Virginia in June 1864. The Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen compiled a report on some of the camps that the Union Army had established on abandoned secessionist properties in the Old Dominion the previous year. The group took an overall positive view of developments on the government farms, although recognized the need for more improvements.

Not long afterwards, the War Department also decided to take a closer look at the farms, as well as the new contraband camp on Mason's Island and Freedman's Village on Robert E. Lee's Arlington estate. The department was footing the bill for the camps and surely wanted to assess the merits of the undertaking. On July 20, 1864, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton ordered officers working for the Union Army's Inspector General to conduct an investigation of  Freedman's Village and "all matters pertaining to the organization and control of the Freedmen in the Dept. of Washington." (in Berlin et al. 345.)

Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton (courtesy of Wikipedia)

Majors Elisha H. Ludington and Charles E. Compton began the inspection in earnest. On July 30, 1864 they sent their final report to Col. James A. Hardie, the Army Inspector General. The report, which stood in stark contrast to the Friends' optimistic assessment, sent shock waves throughout the Union military. 

Ludington and Compton examined the five government farms in Northern Virginia, comprising some 1,270 acres under cultivation. [1] They noted that the land was "of poor, thin soil, for the most part." (340.) Moreover, "[w]hen occupied it was without fences and overgrown with bush," so that "it was necessary to clear and fence it, with heavy expenditure." (340.) The two assistant inspectors general observed some positive developments after a year of operation:

These Farms appear well, the crops are fair, the employees comfortably cared for, and in all respects the farms compare favorably with others in the vicinity. (340.)

Nevertheless, they determined that the farms exhibited "a loss to Government of an alarmingly large sum," which they calculated to be $69,000 over the course of 13 months. (340-41.) As Ludington and Compton interpreted the accounts:

The expense of the Guard alone amounts to three fourths of the whole receipts. For wages alone there is paid within 3000$ as much as all the farms yield. And yet the crop is put at the highest estimate in amount, and valued at present extraordinary prices. (341.)

The report sharply criticized the entire endeavor, concluding that "[o]nly a very wealthy government can afford such expensive toys." (341.) (emphasis added.)

Freedman's Village and Mason's Island did not fare any better in the inspectors' eyes. In fact, the inspectors found conditions so "disgraceful" on Mason's Island that they recommended that Rev. Danforth B. Nichols, Superintendent of Freedmen for the Department, be removed from his position for his alleged mismanagement of the new camp. (343.)

Even in terms of non-material benefits, Ludington and Compton had nothing positive to add about the Army's efforts:

We fail to discover any improvements in the character or conduct of the Adults. Judging from what we saw, they are of the most ignorant class of slaves. Few have knowledge of any labor above field labor, and are but little skilled even in that. Their erroneous idea that "emancipation" signifies a claim upon Government for support in idleness, has been confirmed rather than corrected. (342.)

The two inspectors singled out Lt. Col. Elias Greene's "theories" about the camps  for particular scorn. (342.) Greene, the Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington, was instrumental in the establishment and organization of the camps, and they were managed under his direction. The inspectors rejected outright his policy of refusing to bind out adult contrabands unless their children could accompany them:

This cannot be maintained on principles of humanity, for these people are seldom married -- have little idea of training children, and cannot hope to give them such advantages as are afforded by the Schools at the "Village." Moreover, the necessities of the times compel separations. . . . Nearly every women being burdened with children lessens the chances of her employment. (342-43.)

The inspectors' utter disregard for families seemed no better than the views held by the freedpersons' former masters.

Not surprisingly, Ludington and Compton called for an overhaul of the entire system. They recommended that most women be sent to work in "those portions of our Country where labor is greatly demanded, taking with them their children under 4 years of age." (343-44.) However, hearkening back to their views on separation of families, the inspectors advised that children from 4 to 14 should be held back, supported, and educated "out of the [government's] Contraband Fund." (344.) With respect to the government farms scattered across Northern Virginia, they urged that "all farming operations be discontinued as soon as the present crop is secured." (344.)

Col. James A. Hardie, Army Inspector General (courtesy of Wikipedia).

After landing on the Inspector General's desk, Hardie endorsed and forwarded the damning report to the Secretary of War. On August 4, Stanton sent the document to Quartermaster General Montgomery Meigs. The inspectors had challenged nearly all of Greene's efforts to deal with the contraband problem around the nation's capital, and coming days would bring both controversy and change.

Up Next

Meigs rushes to the defense of his subordinate.

Source

I am grateful to the historians of the Freedmen and Southern Society Project who compiled the primary source documents referenced here in Ira Berlin et al., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867, Selected from the Holdings of the National Archives of the United States, Series I, Volume II, The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South (1993).

Note

[1] The five contraband farms were likely Camps Beckwith, Rucker, Springdale, Todd, and Wadsworth.

Lydia Atkinson Arrives in the Old Dominion to Teach at Camp Wadsworth

During the spring and summer of 1864, the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen became an integral part of relief efforts in the contraband camps across Northern Virginia. One facet of the group's activities involved the appointment of teachers to educate former slaves living in the camps. The Friends' Association was appalled by reports of child labor abuses on the government farm at Camp Wadsworth and in June 1864 sought to remedy the situation by sending a teacher there. As I have written in previous posts, the Friends' Association chose 20-year-old Lydia T. Atkinson of New Jersey to serve as the teacher at the camp near Langley.

A few months ago I discovered that the Friends Historical Library at Swarthmore College has Atkinson's diary from the period that she was teaching in Northern Virginia. I wrote to obtain copies and received excepts a few weeks later. I wanted to share with readers some impressions that Atkinson recorded around the time that she began her charitable work in Northern Virginia.

At the end of July 1864, Atkinson's father accompanied her to Philadelphia, where she planned to take an overnight train to Washington. As Atkinson bid her dad farewell, she felt overcome by the pain of separation:

Ah, not until that last sad parting came, did I realize how great a trial it was to leave all that was dearest to me behind. It was hard to leave my home and mother yet father was with me then, but when his dear form was really lost to sight -- it seemed for a moment as though I must spring apart and implore him not to leave me! (Diary, July 24, 1864.)

Following a visit with some friends, Atkinson headed to the depot and boarded the train, which was soon "speeding away towards Washington." (Diary, July 24, 1864.)  According to the teacher, "[i]t was a magnificent night -- the full moon shone gloriously down, lending a strange witching charm to every object we passed." (Diary, July 24, 1864.) As the train continued over the miles of track, Atkinson had a hard time finding some rest:

It was long before my eyelids grew heavy with sleep, the beauty of the scene -- the novelty of my position, thoughts of dear ones at home and the new and untried life I was about to enter kept me wide awake until mid-night, after which I dozed but woke at all places of interest. (Diary, July 24, 1864.)

The teacher was well aware of Jubal Early's recent raid into Maryland:

All was quiet as we passed through the cities -- Wilmington, Havre de Grace, Baltimore, etc. Crossing the "Gunpowder" which a week before had been the scene of such intense excitement while the rebels were in Maryland. I began to realize that I was passing over ground that had been trodden by our bitter foes. (Diary, July 24, 1864.) 

Atkinson's thoughts turned to the nation at war:

When I closed my eyes for a moment to rest, I seemed to be vaguely wandering in a dreamland or among the fairies. I dreaded the day dawn which should bring me to a realization of my position. All was so beautiful and calm whispering to the awakened of the goodness and mercy of Him who created all these beauties and reigns in eternal majesty above us. I marveled can it be that man can look upon such a night and not feel toward all mankind a Christ-like love and charity. Yet at that very hour, thousands in our fair land were engaged in deadly conflict with other thousands conscious only of the bitterest hatred and undying hostility towards their foes. Such, alas, is war. The fearful result of the foul war that has so long attended our nation's glory. (Diary, July 24, 1864.)

Engraving of a freedmen's school (courtesy of Georgia Studies Images).

Atkinson arrived in the nation's capital and arranged for transportation to Virginia. On July 26 she recorded her thoughts and impressions as she headed to Virginia and arrived at Camp Wadsworth; the passage is well worth quoting at length:

At last I have reached my destination and stand on the "Sacred Soil" alone among strangers, home and friends so far away! And how do I feel? I scarcely dare attempt to define the emotions that thrill my heart -- everything is so new and strange around me. . . The wagon come for us this morning about eleven and dear Auntie Bigelow accompanied me to my new home. The country we rode through was very beautiful and at first I enjoyed it -- but as we came on and on each weary mile we passed seemed a broken link between home and dear ones and my heart grew oh so heavy! Had I been alone I should have felt almost despairing, especially when one of the numerous guards found some flaw in our pass and we were obliged to return nearly two miles to the Provost Marshall's office. Of course he had gone to dinner and we must wait nearly an hour, not knowing then but we wo'd have to return to the city. We made it all right however and we were allowed to proceed, but I felt so discouraged! At length we reached the long talked of Camp Wadsworth. Driving in, women and children crowded around the carriage, and when it was whispered the new teacher had come, there were evident signs of delight. (Diary, July 26, 1864.)

Atkinson assumed her new duties at the contraband farm, and by November, the Friends Association could report that "the children under her care had advanced rapidly in their studies, and the adults had greatly improved in housekeeping." (First Annual Rpt. 13.)

A month after Atkinson's arrival, the Friends dispatched another teacher to join her at Camp Wadsworth. Mary McLain soon arrived to work at a second school on the government farm. The Friends placed a high priority on educating the freedmen and women around the nation's capital, and Camp Wadsworth clearly stood at the front and center of their efforts.

Sources

Board of Managers, Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen, First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen (1865); Lydia T. Atkinson, Personal Diary (1864).

A Fond Farewell to Lewinsville & Langley! Off to Farmwell!

My wife and I just closed on a house in Ashburn, Virginia this past Monday. We are very excited to get more space and to live a little farther from the chaos "inside the Beltway"! Ashburn (Farmwell and Farmwell Station during the 1860s) is situated in Loudoun County, a place steeped in Civil War history. The Battle of Ball's Bluff took place not more than 20 minutes from our doorstep. Armies also marched through the county before Antietam and Gettysburg. And don't forget that Loudoun was part of Mosby's Confederacy. In other words, Civil War buffs would find a lot to like about calling the county home. (If you enjoy wineries, there are plenty of those to explore as well!)

I hope to get more involved with the Loudoun County Civil War Roundtable. After all, I won't have to drive nearly as far to attend their monthly meetings. They tend to have a really strong line-up. I also look forward to living closer to a few of my friends with an interest in the war, including fellow blogger Craig Swain and Army of the Potomac expert extraordinaire Todd Berkoff. I trust that both will help me learn more about the area during the war! (Craig, I am counting on you to bring me up to speed on that Civil War-era road network. . . .)

As much as I am looking forward to a new home, I will also miss McLean (Lewinsville and Langley during the war). I've lived here for over five years now, and as readers know, I have spent a lot of time peeling back the layers of McLean's Civil War history. I've written and lectured about Camp Griffin and Camp Pierpont, which served as 1861-62 winter quarters for two Union divisions. I've taken a look at the "Battle of Lewinsville," a fascinating little fight that involved the likes of Isaac Stevens, J.E.B. Stuart, and John Mosby. I also got to know my Civil War-era neighbors, families such as the Mackalls, Means, and Johnstons. More recently, I've become obsessed with the contraband camps that were located in the McLean area from 1863 onward.  

Looking down from the crest of Johnston's Hill, right around the corner from my former home in McLean. Union Army units, including the Pennsylvania Reserves, held parades at the base of Johnston's Hill during the first winter of the Civil War. (See this post, where I discuss the location.)

The surviving landmarks are everywhere around me. I drive past Salona (Baldy Smith's HQ) and the Langley Ordinary (George A. McCall's HQ) on my daily commute. Benvenue, the location of Winfield Scott Hancock's brigade hospital, is an everyday sight on my early morning walks.  Although not as well known as other places like Henry Hill or Dunker Church, all of these landmarks represent a very real tie that my former community has across time to the Civil War.

You may be wondering what this all means for the future direction of the blog, if anything. I still have many stories about McLean in the pipeline and don't plan on giving them up, just because I am moving to another part of Northern Virginia. The same goes for other sites in Fairfax. The endless array of topics accumulating on my to-do list long ago outpaced my ability to keep up. Apparently four years wasn't enough time to cover it all! At the same time, I am looking forward to exploring some hidden corners of Civil War history in my new "neighborhood." So I suppose that what it comes down to is that this is a blog covering all of Northern Virginia (and sometimes DC) and will remain that way.

In the end, I will miss my former community, and my involvement with the history scene here. A special thanks goes out to the McLean Historical Society, which invited me to give lectures and to serve on the board. I've enjoyed living in McLean and learning about what our ancestors did here. Now I turn to a new chapter as I head west down State Route 267 and establish a home in another location so important to Northern Virginia's Civil War history.

Passing Through the Old Stomping Grounds, July 1864

Following Jubal Early's defeat at the gates of Washington in July 1864, the Army of the Potomac's VI Corps pursued the Confederates westward to the Shenandoah Valley. Among the Union ranks were men who had spent the first winter of the war at Camp Griffin near Lewinsville, Virginia. They belonged to various units, including the 5th Wisconsin, 7th Maine, 43rd New York, 49th New York, 49th Pennsylvania, and 77th New York, as well as the famed First Vermont Brigade. My ancestor, Pvt. William Baumgarten of Co. K, 102nd Pennsylvania also marched with them. He had only joined the army in March 1864, but had already seen his share of horrific combat during the Overland Campaign.

A stereoscopic view of the 43rd N.Y. at Camp Griffin (courtesy of Wikipedia).

July 20-21, 1864: The Valley to Goose Creek

After suffering defeat at Rutherford's Farm on July 20, Early withdrew up the Valley to Fisher's Hill. The Federal commander, Gen. Horatio Wright, considered the Confederate threat eliminated and ordered the VI Corps and the rest of his force to return to Washington. There the Union soldiers could rest, resupply, and await further orders. (OR, 1:37:2, 419-20.)

Gen. Horatio Wright took command of the VI Corps following Gen. John Sedgwick's death at Spotsylvania (courtesy of Wikipedia). He led his men to the defense of Washington and battled Early at Ft. Stevens.

The VI Corps, along with elements of the XIX Corps, set out during the evening of July 20 from their position near Berryville. The Second Division, including William and the 102nd Pennsylvania, took the lead position in the VI Corps' line of march. [1] Headquarters directed that "[t]he troops will be made to understand that their rations must last them until they reach Washington." (OR, 1:37:2, 406.) After wading across the Shenandoah River, the men pressed on through Snicker's Gap and marched the entire night in wet clothes, taking "brief halts for coffee." (Benedict 492.)

As the sun rose over the Northern Virginia countryside, the columns continued to snake along the turnpike. The tired men of the the 49th Pennsylvania decided to stop in Hamilton for breakfast. According to one diarist from the regiment, "the citizens waved the stars and stripes as we passed through the little village; our bands played and our colors were unfurled." (in Westbrook 213.)

In the afternoon the VI Corps marched through Leesburg and halted near Goose Creek. Here the soldiers rested their sore feet and camped for the night. Those lagging behind on the march were not so fortunate. As the diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania wrote that day, "[John] Mosby is reported in the rear, gobbling up stragglers." (in Westbrook 213.)

July 22, 1864: Goose Creek to Difficult Run & Environs

The wagon train got underway at 4 a.m. on July 22, followed by the VI Corps and the XIX Corps. The day's route took the troops along the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's VA-7). Seeking to protect his columns, Wright ordered that "[t]he cavalry under Colonel [Charles Russell] Lowell. . . be kept well out to the front, flanks, and rear, and endeavor to break up the guerrilla parties in the line of march." (OR, 1:37:2, 412.)

The divisions filed past Dranesville, where the Lees burg-Alexandria Turnpike intersected the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike (today's VA-193). Both roads led towards Washington. To avoid any confusion among his commanders, Wright made clear in his orders that the two corps were to continue on the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike.  

After another long march through heat and dust, the Federal force halted for the night in the vicinity of Difficult Creek. Some of the troops progressed as far as Freedom Hill and Peach Grove Post-Office (today's Tysons Corner) before setting up camp.

July 23-26, 1864: Lewinsville, Langley, and Beyond

The next day, July 23, followed a similar pattern. The two corps began their march around 4 a.m. Before long, they would enter the tiny hamlet of Lewinsville (part of today's McLean). Their route took them past the battlefields where some of the men had fought J.E.B. Stuart in September 1861. They also moved over the very ground once occupied by Camp Griffin. Some of these soldiers had lived here during winter 1861-62 as part of Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. The diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania observed a few differences from those early days:

 [O]ld Camp Griffin has been changed into contraband farms, and our old parade ground is growing a crop of corn. . . . (in Westbrook 213.) [2]

Union Army map showing Lewinsville and vicinity (courtesy of Library of Congress). Wright's men took the road from Peach Grove P.O. (far left), through Lewinsville (center), to Langley (far right). There the VI and XIX Corps picked up the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike to Chain Bridge. Camp Griffin sat on the Mackall, Johnston, and Smoot properties and the surrounding land. Living in this area, I am moved to think that 150 years ago, my ancestor was marching past my very neighborhood on his way to Chain Bridge. How the world is small, even across time!

Wilbur Fisk of the 2nd Vermont even located his former campsite. As he wrote in a letter on August 8, 1864:

There was the same excavation that we had made for the floor of our tent, the same fire-place and chimney and the same log basement. There was my old bedstead made of barrel staves nailed to two poles, and there was my old stool, which I remember used always to be in the other boys' way and which was always a reproach upon my woeful lack of ingenuity. I found too, the identical cup which has served me with coffee many times -- a good one once, but now rusty and half filled with dirt; and there were many other things that I saw around that little spot, uninteresting to others though quite interesting to me. . . . .  An eventful  season of war and strife has passed since we left that ground, and many that were with us then have been laid low by rebel hands; but peace comes not yet. Our regiment was full and strong when it left Camp Griffin, but not one-tenth of those men are with us now. (in Rosenblatt 243-44.)

Continuing along the pike beyond Langley, the VI Corps headed in the direction of Chain Bridge. Some of the men entered familiar territory once again -- on the high ground near the bridge was where soldiers under Gen. Smith had established Camp Advance and started construction of defensive works in September 1861.

Proceeding down a steep hill, Wright's corps reached Chain Bridge, crossed the Potomac, and halted in a rough line stretching from from Battery Vermont to Fort Gaines and Tennallytown. The general immediately took steps to ensure that his corps received adequate supplies. He urged his commanders to "have the wants of their men supplied as rapidly as practicable." (OR, 1:37:2, 425.)

In the end, Wright spent very little time around Tennallytown. Instead of returning to the front before Petersburg, he was dispatched to deal with a new threat from Early. By the morning of July 26, the men were once again on the move. They broke camp and marched that day to Rockville. The campaign against Early was entering a new and prolonged phase.

Postscript

The march of the VI Corps through Lewinsville and Langley was a bittersweet homecoming for some. By summer of 1864, the war had taken a terrible toll, and many soldiers never lived to see the old campgrounds for a second time. Others had left the ranks due to wounds, disease, or the end of enlistment. The survivors also looked upon a landscape that had undergone a revolutionary transformation. In place of picket lines, drills, and military parades were contrabands, marking the transition from slavery to freedom. A return to the "stomping grounds" of 1861-62 symbolized just how far the war had progressed since those early days of relative calm and innocence, before the massive bloodletting and the fight for emancipation.

Notes

[1] Incidentally, William received a head wound in skirmishing around Snicker's Gap a few days before and may possibly have made the trip by ambulance. The exact timing and circumstances of William's wounding is somewhat uncertain based on available sources.

[2] By summer 1864, the contraband farm, Camp Wadsworth, sat on land where Camp Griffin was once located. (See my post here for more information.) Camp Beckwith, another contraband farm, sat north of the village of Lewinsville.


Sources

George Grenville Benedict, Vermont in the Civil War, Vol. 1 (1886); Butler County PAGenWeb, "Genealogical Inquiries" (contains excerpt on Wm. Baumgarten from 1889 book, Presidents, Soldiers and Statesmen, Vol. 1); John H. Niebaum, History of the Pittsburgh Washington Infantry: 102nd (Old 13th) Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers and Its Forebears, 1792 to 1930 (1931); Official Records, 1:37:1, 406-457 & 1:37:2, 272 et seq.; Emil & Ruth Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day: The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk (1992 ed.); Robert Westbrook, History of the 49th Pennsylvania Volunteers (1897).

Odds and Ends, June 2014

That time of the year has arrived once again. I am soon off to the Bay State for my family's annual pilgrimage, meaning that I will be on vacation from the blog for a little while. I plan to fit in some antebellum and Civil War-related sightseeing while I am away and promise to report back upon my return. As always, I will remain active on Facebook and Twitter as much as I can. In the meantime, here are a few odds and ends:

*The Sesquicentennial of Jubal Early's raid on Washington is fast approaching. In that vein, there are a myriad of activities being planned at the federal and local level:

The Monocacy National Battlefield will mark the 150th of the  "Battle that saved Washington" from July 5-13. Activities include "real time" walking tours, living history demonstrations, and a "Remembrance of the Fallen" program. Additional information can be found here. 

The Civil War Defenses of Washington unit of the National Park Service (NPS) will be commemorating the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Ft. Stevens, where President Lincoln himself came under fire. Highlights include walks and lectures, a hike in the nation's capital from Battery Kemble to Ft. Stevens, living history encampments, and a memorial program at Battlefield National Cemetery. See here for a full schedule. This flyer from the NPS lists numerous other commemorative activities in the Washington, DC area.  

One of my favorite local Civil War parks, Ft. Ward Museum & Historic Site, is hosting a "Battle of Fort Stevens Reenactment Weekend." Groups representing Union and Confederate regiments will recreate the engagement at the reconstructed northwest bastion of Ft. Ward, which will serve as a stand-in for Ft. Stevens. More details can be found here, on the museum website.

Modern view of restored portion of Ft. Stevens (courtesy of Wikipedia). The marker in front of the guns commemorates Lincoln's visit to the fort. 

*Readers may recall that I have recently written about the appointment of Lydia T. Atkinson to serve as a teacher at the contraband camp in Langley. (See here and here.) The Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen decided to send her to Camp Wadsworth upon finding egregious violations of rules governing labor by school-age children. Last month I discovered that the Friends Historical Library at Swarthmore College has Atkinson's diary from her time in Northern Virginia. I wrote to obtain copies and just received excepts on Monday. Needless to say, I am ecstatic. Atkinson's words shed some light into life at Camp Wadsworth from summer 1864 through the end of the war. I will be featuring a future post of two on the diary once I have had the opportunity to study and analyze this precious primary resource.

*And last but not least, I'd like to wish everyone a Happy Fourth of July!

The Friends' Association Reports on the State of the Contraband Camps, June 1864

During late spring 1863, the Union Army resettled nearly nine hundred former slaves on abandoned secessionist properties across Northern Virginia. Lt. Col. Elias Greene, the Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington, wanted to put the contrabands to work raising crops for the Union war effort and viewed the government farms as a way to improve the condition of the freedmen and women who had fled to the nation's capital in search of freedom and opportunity. The Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen and other charitable organizations supplemented the government's efforts to assist the contrabands who lived in the camps. As summer 1864 fast approached, the farms were already a year old. Just how had conditions evolved since Greene launched his ambitious program to manage the contraband situation and improve the lot of the former slaves?

In June 1864, Harriet E. Stockly of the Friends' Association made a "visit of examination to the camps near Washington." (First Annual Rpt. 4.) Her final report, which was published in the Friends' Intelligencer of June 25, 1864, provides useful insights into the condition of the government farms in Northern Virginia at the time.

Camp Todd

Camp Todd sat across the Potomac from Washington in Alexandria (now Arlington) County. When the government established the camp in June 1863, Greene chose to house the freedmen and women in former army barracks near Ft. Albany. Stockly counted 280 persons a year later. [n1] Two-thirds were "adult women" because "most of the men belonging to these families [were] in 2d District regiment, stationed at Key West, Fa." (Friends' Intelligencer 249.) [n2] The noted abolitionist Emily Howland served as superintendent and teacher. Stockly described the economic activity at Camp Todd:

Those in camp are working industriously on the Hunter farm, in which there are 200 acres under cultivation. Many of the women are also working on the farm. The men receive from $8 to $10 , and the women from $6 to $8 per month. The vegetable garden belonging to government contains twenty acres. 

Here, as at all the camps, Stockly found that "[t]here seems a prevalent want . . . of a spot of ground to
belong to each family where they can raise vegetables for themselves, and also to give their homes a more attractive appearance."

Detail from 1862 Union Army map of N.E. Virginia showing properties associated with Camp Todd (courtesy of Library of Congress). Ft. Albany sat on land belonging to James Roach, a wealthy contractor with secessionist sympathies. The abandoned army huts used by the former slaves were located close to Ft. Albany, possibly on Roach's property. Today the area is bisected by I-395 near the Pentagon. According to Stockly's report, the contrabands farmed land belonging to the Hunter family, likely the property marked "Genl Hunter" on the map above. The Hunter plantation was known as Abingdon. Gen. Alexander Hunter had died by the time of the Civil War, but the plantation remained in his family through his brother and nephew, who entered the Confederate service in 1861. Today the grounds of Ronald Reagan National Airport occupy the site of Abingdon. Another possibility for the Hunter farm is the land belonging to a Mrs. Hunter situated to the west of Ft. Albany along Columbia Turnpike.

Camp Wadsworth

Stockly also visited Camp Wadsworth in Langley, where she counted "[o]ne hundred and seventy Freedmen" in the care of superintendent Philip Fowler and farmer Ephrafm Plowman. [n3] Five hundred acres were "under cultivation, worked by about 60 persons" for "10 hours a day." According to Stockly,"[t]he farm looks well, and it is supposed 30 bushels of wheat and 50 bushels of rye will be raised to the acre." On the downside, Stockly was shocked to find that "some children of only eleven years of age are put to daily labor in direct violation of Government regulations, which require that they be sent to school till they are 14." Her findings helped to spur the appointment of teacher Lydia T. Atkinson.

Stockly took stock of living situation at Camp Wadsworth, reporting that "[t]he Freedmen occupy two houses three-quarters of a mile apart." [n4] As for alternatives, Stockly observed that "[t]here are only three or four cabins and six acres appropriated to them, but the farmer promises to make a different arrangement." [n5]

Camp Rucker

At Camp Rucker near Falls Church, Stockly found "[e]ighty-six men, women and children -- 20 men, 32 women, and 34 children" under superintendent Fowler and farmer Oliver Beesley. [n6] Sarah Ann Cadwallader were serving as a teacher at the camp. All told, "there [were] at this time, on this farm, 90 acres in winter grain, 85 in corn, 50 in grass, 7 in garden, 2 1/2 in black-eyed peas, 25 of white beans, 2 1/2 of corn for horses, and 1 acre in potatoes."

Camp Rucker had been established on property belonging to Maj. William D. Nutt, who fled to Richmond upon arrival of Union troops in September 1861. The government initially sheltered the contrabands in tents, but by the time Stockly arrived, the situation had changed. She noted:

Since last fall, all the cabins, 15 in number, have been built: with four exceptions, they are 16 feet by 14 feet, and ample in height. There are upon an average about six persons to each house. Should the Freedmen remain here, there will be more cabins erected. Government has disposed of this farm, and the people will have to be removed, but this probably may not occur for two or three years. [n7]

Camp Rucker left Stockly with am extremely positive, if not somewhat exaggerated, impression:

The condition of the Freedmen here is very satisfactory. Their cabins are whitewashed outside and in, and all neatly kept. The people are clean, tidy and highly appreciative of the improvement in their condition. Many of them escaped from severe masters, and they manifest a degree of gratitude to those who have aided them which I have never seen excelled. They are exceedingly attached to their teacher, and fear lest she should leave them. She has labored indefatigably, and in a measure successfully, for their elevation, and it is their testimony that their condition has been greatly improved since she came among them. There is a smaller number at this camp than at any other, which gives them a decided advantage. The standard of morality is high, and they are well cared for. 

Stockly concluded:

The people here will not be likely to need further supplies from us. The teacher thinks that when the present supply is exhausted they will be self-sustaining, unless an unexpected calamity shall befall them.

While at Camp Rucker, Stockly had a chance to attend a wedding ceremony:

. . . I never saw a ceremony of the kind conducted with greater dignity or propriety. They were married by a colored clergyman, who read the Episcopal service, frequently pausing to consider the words before pronouncing them. We were honored with an invitation to the supper. The order in which it was partaken by the guests was somewhat peculiar. First the bride and groom ate alone, then the first bridesmaid and groomsmen, then the second, then their white friends, then their colored friends.

Stockly also visited other contraband settlements in Washington City, Alexandria, Falls Church, Freedman's Village, and Mason's Island before returning home.

Conclusion

Thanks to Stockly's report, we have an idea about how the freedmen and women were faring in the contraband camps of Northern Virginia after a year in operation. The number of former slaves at Camps Rucker, Todd, and Wadsworth remained roughly the same. Hundreds of acres were under cultivation, providing the government with crops and the freedmen and women with an income, however modest. Conditions at Camp Rucker had progressed to a point of near self-sufficiency, and the former slaves there finally had a roof over their heads. Teachers were also holding classes for those who had never learned to read and write. Of course, the situation was far from perfect. Unlawful child labor remained prevalent at Camp Wadsworth. The former slaves also lacked opportunities to own and farm their own plots of land. And left unsaid in Stockly's report, the very existence of the camps raised questions about how long a successful transition from slavery to freedom and economic independence would take. The Friends' Association, as well as the U.S. Government, had much work left to do.

Notes

1. The Superintendent of Freemen, Rev. Danforth B. Nichols, reported 230 persons in Camp Todd on June 30, 1863.

2. This regiment was also known as the 2nd United States Colored Troops.

3. Nichols reported 178 residents in June 1863, slightly more than a year later.

4. The dwellings belonged to Lewis D. Means and Confederate Navy officer James W. Cooke, secessionists who had fled Langley at the start of the war. See my previous post for more information about the owners.

5. It is unclear who built these cabins and where they were located.

6. By contrast, there were 105 residents of Camp Rucker in June 1863.

7. According to an item in the Alexandria Gazette on March 1, 1864, Nutt's property near Falls Church was seized and sold by the U.S. Government under the Direct Tax Act.

Sources

Alexandria Gazette, Mar. 1, 1864; Assn. of Friends (ed.), Friends' Intelligencer: A Religious and Family Journal, Vol. XXI (1865); Board of Managers, Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen, First Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Friends' Assn. for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen (1865); Benjamin Franklin Cooling III & Walton H. Owen II, Mr. Lincoln's Forts: A Guide to the Civil War Defenses of Washington (2010 ed.); Alexander Hunter, Johnny Reb and Billy Yank (1905);  "The Hunter Family Marker: Abingdon Plantation," HMdb.org; D.B. Nichols, Official Report on Superintendent Nichols Freedman's Department, South Potomac, Quartermaster for the Department of Washington, July 10, 1863, in New York Times, Aug. 9, 1863 ("Official Report"); "Prospect Hill Marker," HMdb.org.