Christmas in Camp, Fairfax Station, December 1862

A few weeks ago I wrote about a new project that I am undertaking for the Fairfax Station Railroad Museum. As I researched tales of soldiers and civilians around the station during the Civil War, I began to think about turning my research into blog posts. The museum agreed that this would be a good idea. Writing posts will help to focus my research efforts and build content for the museum. Moreover, I hope that such posts will encourage my readers to come forward with additional information about wartime life along the Orange & Alexandria near Fairfax Station. With my annual Christmas post, I venture for the first time into this new territory for All Not So Quiet Along the Potomac, and I look forward to sharing more discoveries in the future.

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As Christmas 1862 approached, soldiers of the Second Vermont Brigade were busy protecting positions along the strategic Orange & Alexandria R.R. around Fairfax Station. Two divisions of the Army of the Potomac's Twelfth Corps were also encamped in the neighborhood of the station. The corps had fought only a few months before in the bloody engagement at Antietam. Reentering Virginia in November, the men marched through Loudoun County and made their way to Fairfax Station.

Fairfax Station during the Civil War (courtesy of William Graham's War Between the States)

On December 24, Gen. Alpheus Williams held a grand review and inspection of his Twelfth Corps division. According to William Tuttle of the 107th New York, the activity was "very tiresome for the men, more than a day's march." (in Tappan 63) He returned to his campsite and "just laid down by the fire, looked into the flames and blazing coals, and thought of friends far away, of Christmas Eves and Christmas trees until I fell asleep." (in Tappan 63.)

That night, Gen. John Geary, commander of the corps' second division, sat down to write his little daughter Mary a rather sentimental letter:

On this Christmas eve I have no doubt you have been enjoying yourself, perhaps with the toys of the season, eaten your nuts and cakes, hung up your stockings in the chimney corner for old Krisk[r]inkle, when he comes along with his tiny horses "dunder and blixen" and his little wagon to fill in lots and gobs of sweet things....Well, when I was a little boy. . . I was very fond of such things myself. And when I look back, they were indeed the happiest days of my life. (in Blair & Wiley 74.)

On Christmas Day, the soldiers were blessed with mild and pleasant weather, not unlike predictions for this year's holiday. As Pvt. Henry Bayless of the 137th New York wrote to his parents, "today is clear and quite warm, so we can sit in the sun without our overcoats on with comfort." (in Creutz 73.) Capt. Robert Gould Shaw (future commander of the 54th Massachusetts) and fellow officers of the 2nd Massachusetts also sat "out of doors," eating a Christmas dinner of chicken, oysters, potatoes, and other culinary delights. (in Duncan 273).

"Christmas," L. Prang & Co., c. 1862 (courtesy of Digital Public Library of America).

Gen. Geary, like many of the Union commanders, "issued an order allowing the men of my command a recreation from all military duties, except such as could not be dispensed with." (in Blaid & Wiley 76.) He emerged from his quarters that morning to find that "the men had erected two triumphal arches of evergreens before my tent." (in Blaid & Wiley 76.) As he told his sons, "the Holly is beautiful & Green covered with berries. The whole thing was the most beautifully wreathed affair I ever saw." (in Blaid & Wiley 76.) Geary's thoughts turned to his family, and how much he wanted to be with them on this holiday. The "forsaken country" around Fairfax Station surely did little to diminish his homesickness. (in Blair & Wiley 75.)

Tuttle of the 107th New York found little to celebrate on Christmas. As he lamented in his diary:

It is not a happy Christmas day with us today. . . We have been moving our camp again. . . . This is the fourth camp we have occupied near Fairfax Station, and a great many are in the worst of humor over the perplexities and botherations which always attend a change of camp. We marched about two miles this morning, laid out our new camp ground, put up our tents and have just had our dinner, Christmas Dinner! which was no great affair today. (in Tappan 62-63.)

The men of 137th NY made do with rations of soft bread and beef. Charles Engle prepared a "hearty" Christmas breakfast of fried beef with a cup of coffee, but wished instead for "cakes and sausage and butter." (in Creutz 73.) Bayless and his messmate got more creative and fried the bread in a gravy made with bacon and beef grease. They sat on their blankets with plates on their laps and devoured the Christmas meal.

Over in the camp of the Second Vermont Brigade, the soldiers were excused from all but the most pressing duties. Pvt. Herzon Day went with a few friends to Fairfax Station "to see the country but got back in time for Christmas dinner, which consisted of beefsteak and potatoes, both excellent." (letter to parents on 16th Vermont blog.) Horace Barlow of the 12th Vermont enjoyed "[t]aking it easy in the A.M. & playing foot-ball &c in the P.M." (diary on 16th Vermont blog.)

Some officers had the privilege of leaving camp to celebrate Christmas elsewhere. In the 107th Pennsylvania, Tuttle's captain and first lieutenant headed to Alexandria to spend the holiday with friends. Tuttle was frustrated, writing in his diary: "Of course I could not go. I am not an officer." (in Tappan 63.) (He later would become a commissioned officer, so perhaps the holidays got better for him!)

Dr. James Dunn, surgeon of the 109th Pennsylvania, took four days' leave and traveled from Fairfax Station to Washington City. On Christmas morning he met a fellow physician at Willard's. The two at some point "visited around Washington where all is quiet." (in Kerr 60.) The doctor even "saw Old Abe":

He looks as if the load resting on him was too much. He is care worn and troubled. Political opposition is killing him. (in Kerr 60.)

After the holiday, Dunn returned to his regimental encampment and the drudgery of army life. For the surgeon and many others at Fairfax Station, Christmas 1862 was a day of rest and relaxation. Even if the holiday meal was a little less appetizing than many of the men would have preferred, the warm weather was certainly a welcome present from Mother Nature. The enlisted men and their commanders dreamed of Christmas among family and friends. Perhaps the new year would bring an end to war and fighting. But Christmas would come and go two more times before Christmas at home became a reality. President Lincoln had reason to feel "troubled."

On a personal note, I'd like to wish my readers Happy Holidays and a Very Merry Christmas! See you in 2016!

Sources
William L. Blair (ed.) & Bell Irvin Wiley, A Politician Goes to War: The Civil War Letters of John White Geary (1995); David Cleutz, Fields of Fame & Glory: Col. David Ireland and the 137th New York Volunteers (2010); Russell Duncan (ed.), Blue Eyed Child of Fortune: The Civil War Letters of Colonel Robert Gould Shaw (1999); Letters from the 16th Vermont (blog); Lynne M. Kennedy, "GORDON'S REGULARS": The 2nd Massachusetts Infantry in the Civil War (1999); Paul B. Kerr, Civil War Surgeon -- Biography of James Langstaff Dunn, MD (2012); George Tappan (ed.), The Civil War Journal of Lt. Russell M. Tuttle, New York Volunteer Infantry (2006).

Thanksgiving 1865 in Washington City

Each year during the Sesquicentennial I wrote a post focused on Thanksgiving at the corresponding time 150 years ago. I looked at holiday celebrations in camp or in the streets, hospitals, and churches of Washington and Alexandria. Now that the four-year commemoration is over, I wasn't sure what to do for this Thanksgiving. Many people are turning their attention to the aftermath of war and the start of Reconstruction so I decided to check out the Washington papers for the end of 1865, as the reunited nation prepared to observe the first Thanksgiving holiday since the end of the war.

President Andrew Johnson declared a day of national Thanksgiving for Thursday, December 7, 1865. In his Proclamation, the President reminded the American people that "it has pleased Almighty God during the year which is now coming to an end to relieve our beloved country from the fearful scourge of civil war and to permit us to secure the blessings of peace, unity, and harmony, with a great enlargement of civil liberty. . . ." He recommended that "the whole people make confession of our national sins against His infinite goodness, and with one heart and one mind implore the divine guidance in the ways of national virtue and holiness."

On December 6, the day before Thanksgiving, the Washington Daily National Republican published the following editorial:

The editorial surely reflected the thoughts of many loyal Americans about the ground the nation had traversed since the previous year and just how much the country had reason to give thanks as the end of 1865 approached. Some, however, may have disputed the characterization of President Johnson, who had just given his State of the Union address on December 4. (The speech is referenced in the article.)

Two Winslow Homer views of Thanksgiving Day, 1865 from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated:  Hanging up the Musket and The Church Porch (courtesy of streetsofsalem).

Thanksgiving in Washington City was a relatively subdued affair. As was typical in previous years, businesses were closed. The Washington Evening Star reported that "the churches were opened for divine worship, and were well attended, while the services at each were appropriate to the occasion." (Dec. 8, 1865.) The paper was also pleased to observe that "throughout the day there were fewer displays of improper conduct than usual on such festive occasions." (Dec. 8, 1865.) According to the Daily National Republican, Bostonians were nowhere near as well behaved as the "staid and proper" Washingtonians. (Dec.8, 1865.) The paper reported that during the evening in Boston, "many persons were slewed, with great carnage." (Dec. 8, 1865.) Perhaps high rates of celebratory drinking had something to do with ruining the holiday up north. In any event, whether in Washington City or elsewhere, Thanksgiving gave Americans a day of rest and relaxation as they prepared to deal with the difficult issue of reconstruction and the future of the reunited country.

On a personal note, I'd like to wish all of my readers a Happy Thanksgiving! Enjoy the good times with family and friends, eat plenty of turkey and fixings, and see you next month!

My Last Sesquicentennial Event

Last week marked the Sesquicentennial of President Abraham Lincoln's assassination and death. On April 14 I commemorated the anniversary by attending a lecture at Ford's Theatre, visiting the Petersen House where Lincoln died, and touring a special assassination exhibit at the Center for Education and Leadership. Given the immediacy of other forms of social media, I mainly covered the day's events on Twitter and Facebook. I won't repost all of my photographs and comments here, but I'd advise readers to check out my Facebook and Twitter feeds to see what I published in real time.

Life changes a lot in four years, and I had hoped to make it to Appomattox for the 150th. Intervening events, including the recent birth of my daughter, made the trip to Appomattox a near impossibility. However, because I work in downtown DC, I knew that I could at least mark the 150th anniversary of another important milestone of the end of the Civil War years, and I ultimately decided to take a half day of leave on the 14th and spend some time at Ford's Theatre. The 150th of Lincoln's assassination is the last of the Sesquicentennial events that I will personally attend, and it was a fitting, albeit sad, end to four years of commemoration.

The incessant rain on April 14 did not deter visitors, and the line for each timed entry to Ford's Theatre stretched down the block. The number of people in the street only continued to grow as the hour of the assassination approached. Living historians entertained the crowds with their first-person accounts from the day of the assassination. I chatted with a few reenactors from Pennsylvania who represented Independent Battery C, First Pennsylvania Artillery. On the night of the 14th, four artillerymen from the battery helped to carry Lincoln to the Petersen House. Check out this post on Harry's blog for more info.

Waiting outside Ford's Theatre in the rain.

Once we were seated inside the theatre, a costumed interpreter told the story of Lincoln's assassination and death. The speaker really helped to take us back in time and imagine the horror, sadness, and confusion of that night. Her passion for the subject made for a captivating presentation. I've been to Ford's on numerous occasions, but I was moved beyond words to sit below the presidential box on the very day that Lincoln was shot 150 years ago and hear about his life, assassination, and death.

Looking up at the presidential box -- this felt like truly hallowed ground.

Following the tour, we made our way across 10th Street to the Petersen House. I felt a sense of extreme loss while reflecting on all that happened there. Just shy of 150 years before my visit, Lincoln slipped from life lying on a bed in a back room, and Secretary of War Edwin Stanton pronounced, "Now he belongs to the ages."

Upon leaving the Petersen House, I entered the Center for Education and Leadership, where I toured various permanent exhibits on Lincoln's death and the hunt for the assassins. Much to my surprise, I learned that my ticket included admission to the temporary exhibition of Silent Witness: Artifacts of the Lincoln Assassination. This exhibit, running through May 29, 2015, brings together an incredible collection of objects, including John Wilkes Booth's derringer; Lincoln's top hat, coat, and the contents of his pocket from the night of the assassination; and the blood-stained bunting from the presidential box. Given Lincoln's god-like status in U.S. history, many of these artifacts seemed like holy relics.

What I witnessed on Tuesday afternoon was nothing compared to what came later, as hundreds gathered outside the theatre to mark the exact time of Lincoln's assassination. Some people remained throughout the night to keep a mournful vigil, and by early the next morning, hundreds of onlookers once again crowded 10th Street, this time to mark the exact moment of Lincoln's death on April 15, 1865. (See here for a Washington Post report.) Although I couldn't attend, I kept watch myself by tuning to C-SPAN and reading Facebook and Twitter feeds by a host of organizations and individuals, including friend Craig Swain.

Overall, I was extremely encouraged by the public interest in Lincoln, his assassination, and death, even in jaded and cynical "Washington City"! And I was also happy to see so many friends and family who were interested in observing this 150th anniversary. I suppose that every once in a while, a historic event speaks to so many, including those who normally take only a passing interest in history. I and others like me are sometimes in our own Civil War bubble and tend to forget the wider appeal that America's history can hold. Last week's commemoration proved that some events mean so much to so many that they cannot easily be forgotten or overlooked, no matter how many years have passed.

"Heaven Has Seemed to Prosper and Aid Our Cause": Lydia Atkinson Reactsto Lee's Surrender

Today marks the Sesquicentennial of General Robert E, Lee's surrender at Appomattox Court House, Virginia. On this occasion, I thought readers might enjoy a particularly relevant except that I discovered in the diary of Lydia T. Atkinson, a teacher at the contraband camp on Mason's Island.

(courtesy of Wikipedia)

In summer 1864 the Friends' Association for the Aid and Elevation of the Freedmen had sent Atkinson to teach former slaves at Camp Wadsworth in Langley. Due to government policies of binding out children at the camp, her school lost pupils, and the Friends transferred her to Mason's Island in fall 1864. A few months later, Atkinson learned of the momentous news of Lee's surrender. She described her feelings in a diary entry dated April 10, 1865:

Joy upon Joy—cheer upon cheer—love and thanksgiving and praise everywhere! Glory to God in the Highest on earth and Peace Good Will toward men! At dawn this morning were wakened by the loud thundering of guns from the neighboring forts and half sleepily I murmured “Lee has surrendered!” We really thought little of it however until the paper came announcing the glorious tidings! Oh! such a happy, grateful feeling took possession of the heart -- as we began to realize that the war must indeed be over -- and the blessed angel of Peace rest upon our noble banner. It was not the insanity of joy felt when Richmond fell—but a deep quiet happiness too intense for words! Truly God’s blessing seems now to rest upon the American nation! As we have learned to deal justly by the Negro—so Heaven has seemed to prosper and aid our cause.

Atkinson's sense of happiness and relief are incredibly moving, even after 150 years. Her feelings echo those of a war-weary nation upon learning of Lee's surrender that Palm Sunday at Appomattox Court House. Most strikingly, Atkinson's words bear witness to her deep-seated personal belief in the righteousness of the Union's fight for freedom and emancipation. The Quaker teacher, who through her own deeds contributed to the cause, plainly saw the hand of God in the victory over Lee's army.

Reminder

On a related note, I wanted to remind readers that I will be speaking this evening before the Arlington Historical Society about the contraband camps of Northern Virginia. The event will start at 7 p.m at the Reinsch Library auditorium on the campus of Marymount University. Please click here for more information. I hope to see you there!

Source

Thanks to the Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College for providing me with the excepts from Lydia T. Atkinson's Personal Diary from 1864.

Christmas 1864 in Washington City

Just as with Thanksgiving, I have been covering Christmas for each year of the Sesquicentennial. Over the past week, I've re-posed to Facebook my previous entries covering the first three Christmases of the war. Now we've at long last come to the final holiday season celebrated by a divided nation.

During the first winter of the war, Washington was surrounded by the sprawling camps of the Army of the Potomac. Soldiers talked longingly of home at Christmas, and many anxiously awaited their first encounter with the enemy in battle. By the end of 1862, this same army had experienced much carnage and scored few successes. Military hospitals lined the streets of Washington, and caring citizens mobilized to feed the sick and wounded. The following year, the inhabitants of the nation's capital celebrated the major Union victories of the past summer and fall. The press coverage was enthusiastic and hopeful. However, by Christmas 1864, the war had taken a tremendous toll in death and suffering. The papers describe a somewhat subdued holiday observance. Perhaps people were just a tad more jaded this year, after the bloodshed at places like the Wilderness and Cold Harbor, and the continuing grind of siege warfare before Petersburg. The end was drawing near, but it hadn't come just yet, and it couldn't come fast enough.

"Christmas Morning," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 31, 1864 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).

A "drizzling rain" fell on Sunday, December 25, and Washington's streets "were merged in mud." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.)  Despite the dreary weather, congregants filled the churches in the nation's capital. As the Daily National Republican reported:

The Episcopal and Catholic churches (as is their custom) were appropriately and beautifully decorated with festoons, garlands, and wreaths of evergreen, and the anniversary exercises in commemoration of the natal day of the Saviour of the World were of the most impressive character. In all of the churches choirs, rich in melody, chanted the praises of him whom the wise men of the East came to worship over eighteen hundred years ago, and at the announcement of whose birth the shepherds of Judea were astounded. 

With the religious community the day was one, therefore, of peculiar pleasure and satisfaction, for the pulpits were all occupied by eloquent and feeling divines, who, for the time, dropping sectarian and doctrinal feelings, plead the merits of the Savior. . . .(Dec. 27, 1864.)

The paper also made a few other observations about the holiday among the non-churchgoing crowd:

With the irreligious portion of the community, or those who did not attend church, the day was also a comparatively quiet one. There was no rowdyism upon the streets, but all was quiet and peaceable. True, guns, pistols, and "villainous gunpowder" in the shape of squibs and firecrackers were let off to the annoyance of some, but this was confined to a few localities, and the police and other authorities were indefatigable in their efforts to prevent the breach of Sabbath day order and propriety. (Dec. 27, 1864.)

As in years past, the patients in the city's military hospitals also took part in the holiday celebrations. At Campbell Hospital, the men sat down to "a table laden with turkeys, vegetables, sauces, preserves, jellies and a multitude of other eatables to which they did ample justice." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.) That evening, a social ball was held in the "gaily decorated" reading-room hall, "where "patients, officers and visitors mingled, and all enjoyed themselves to the fullest extent; the excellent band of the hospital adding largely to the pleasures of the occasion." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.)

"The Union Christmas Dinner," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 31, 1864 (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net). As the newsweekly described the theme of the illustration: "Today, then, under the Christmas evergreen, the country asks only for peace, and breathes only good will to all men. Despite the sharp war, its bountiful feast is spread, It stands, as Mr. [Thomas] NAST represents in the large picture in today's Number, holding the door open to welcome the rebellious children back to the family banquet. It does not forget one of their crimes. It remembers the enormity of their attempt. It will take good care that the root of bitterness is destroyed forever, and that the peace of the household shall be henceforth secure. But it asks what it can command. It invites where it can enforce. It says now, as it has said from the beginning, 'Submit to the laws made by all for the common welfare, and there will be no more war.'"

At Stanton Hospital, the patients took dinner in the dining hall "beautifully decorated with evergreens, American flags and shields being displayed from prominent positions." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.) In the middle of the room "stood a large Christmas tree, tastefully trimmed, which attracted the attention of all present, and which many of the patients declared reminded them of Christmas times at home." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.)

At Lincoln Hospital, "an examination of the colored school (composed mostly of the children of the contraband laborers employed about the hospital. . .) took place in the presence of the parents and friends of the scholars, numbering about 100, and after its conclusion. . . each scholar received a Christmas gift of a cornucopia with candies. . . ." (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.) Following a big Christmas dinner, an effigy of Jefferson Davis was lit on fire over the stove in plain view of the patients, "giving a vivid representation of the Union soldier's idea of the arch traitor's 'hereafter.'" (Wash. Even. Star, Dec. 27, 1864.) According to the Evening Star, "[t]his affair caused great excitement and Jeff was groaned lustily, while many exclaimed 'Amen' to the doom foreshadowed to him." (Dec. 27, 1864.)

Presumably because Christmas fell on the Sabbath, Monday "was observed as the grand festival-day." (Wash. Daily Natl. Rep., Dec. 27, 1864.) That morning the residents of Washington awoke to the boom of a tremendous 300-gun salute at Franklin Square in honor of Gen. William T. Sherman's recent capture of Savannah. The rest of the day was a bit more low-key:

The prominent business places of the city were closed, no papers were issued during the day, and all gave themselves up to enjoyment. There was more shooting and more noise than upon the Sabbath, but all must acknowledge that it was one of the most quiet Christmas celebrations known here for a long time. There was but little intoxication and no serious brawls, and it is safe to assert that no city the size of Washington, and its mixed population, passed a more orderly holiday. (Wash. Daily Natl. Rep., Dec. 27, 1864.)

That evening, "social parties were given, and the theatres and other places of amusement were open, and the citizens and strangers gave themselves up to enjoyment." (Wash. Daily Natl. Rep., Dec. 27, 1864.)

Overall, Christmas 1864, despite the two-day holiday, seemed a bit subdued in the streets of Washington. Inhabitants of the war-weary capital attended services and headed to various performances around town, but if press reports shed any light, intoxicating beverages played a less prominent role! The patients at the military hospitals also enjoyed bountiful dinners and in-house entertainment, although without many of the high-profile guests who had attended in previous years. President Lincoln, for his part, had received a rather satisfying "Christmas gift" from General Sherman, and the news of the latest victory surely helped to boost spirits and engender hope that the Confederacy's fate would soon be sealed.

Last, but not least, I'd like to wish my readers a Very Merry Christmas and Happy Holidays! Thanks for following the blog, and see you next year!

Sources

Washington Daily National Republican, Dec. 27, 1864; Washington Evening Star, Dec. 27, 1864).

Thanksgiving 1864 in Washington City

As Thanksgiving Day fast approaches, I wanted to take a look like I do every year at how the holiday was celebrated in and around Washington during the Civil War. For each year of the Sesquicentennial I've been concentrating on Thanksgiving at the corresponding time 150 years ago. It's hard to believe that we have at long last come to the final Thanksgiving of the Civil War. In a year, the war would be over, and the long process of reunion and reconstruction begun. But in 1864, Sherman was on the march in Georgia, Grant was dug in before Petersburg, and Lincoln had just won reelection. The nation gathered around the table on November 24, hopeful that the bloodshed would soon end and peace would return to the land.

Like other places around the country, Washington City greeted Thanksgiving with enthusiasm. The Washington Evening Star provided readers with an overview of the holiday in the nation's capital:

Yesterday, the day designated by President Lincoln as a day of Thanksgiving, was very generally observed. Public offices, banks and places of business were closed, and the people set themselves to a hearty observance of the day, not forgetting to pay due attention to that estimable feature of the occasion, the Thanksgiving Dinner, which sent up its appetizing odor throughout the length and breath of the city. The weather was just the thing for thanksgiving day purposes, with a mild crispness, not cold, but cool enough to be bracing, and to make it pleasant to gather about the glowing fire and the smoking board at nightfall. (Nov. 25, 1864.)

The papers in particular discussed the Thanksgiving celebrations at the military hospitals in Washington, which were decorated for the occasion with patriotic banners and festive greenery. Convalescing soldiers feasted on a full Thanksgiving dinner thanks to the generosity of public and private donors. The menu for 500 patients at Armory Square Hospital was typical:

Roast beef, roast veal, boiled ham, roast turkey, roast goose, chicken pie, cranberry sauce, cranberry tart, apple pie, mixed cakes, jellies, smoked beef, bologna sausage, bread, butter, celery, oyster stew, oysters raw, cheese, crackers, ice cream, baked rock fish, boiled cod fish, sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, [cole] slaw, picked cucumbers, pickled beets, apples, almonds, raisins, figs, coffee, tea, cocoa. (Wash. Daily Natl. Rep., Nov. 25, 1864.)

Other hospitals across the city served similar feasts, but "the non-receipt of the poultry" at the Quartermaster's Hospital caused a postponement of the holiday until Saturday! (Wash. Even. Star, Nov. 25, 1864.)

"United We Stand," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 3, 1864, by Thomas Nast (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net). The newsweekly offered some words of thanks: "THE American people have this year such reason as they never had before to give humble and hearty thanks to Almighty God. . . . First of all by a singular unanimity the people have resolved that the authority of their Government and the order of civil society shall be maintained, and have expressed their will by the re-election of the President whose name is identified with the defense of the Union and the perpetuity of the American principle. . . . They thank God that the great State of Maryland, torn by civil war, has deliberately renounced the system from which all our woes have sprung, and has led the march of the Slave States in the path of equal liberty and justice, the way of permanent peace. . . . They thank God that the defeat of rebels and the consternation of foreign foes foretell the triumph from which peace and prosperity shall flow."

Following dinner, the patients enjoyed speeches, musical entertainment, and dancing late into the night. At Campbell Hospital, Gov. Oliver Morton of Indiana paid a visit. According to the Daily National Republican, the governor, "with his characteristic good nature, yielded to the pressing demands of the company, and, curing a pause in the dance, addressed them in a brief speech, full of patriotic wisdom and fervor." (Nov. 25, 1864.) The patients and guests  "were most enthusiastic in their praise of this gallant champion of the good cause, and gained new enthusiasm from this eloquent appeals," so much so that the dancing last until 11. (Nov. 25, 1864.)

"Thanksgiving-Day in the Army. After Dinner: The Wish-Bone," Harper's Weekly, Dec. 3, 1864, by Winslow Homer (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net).

On November 25, the Daily National Republican offered the following editorial to readers recovering from Thanksgiving Day excesses:

Second only to the American eagle is that other great American bird, the turkey. How many of the latter were laid upon the altar of their country yesterday we can state only approximately. Sheridan's army had turkey dinners, the armies of the Potomac and the James feasted on turkeys, and the soldiers in our hospitals had turkey to right of them, turkey to left of them. The gallants tars of the navy received cargoes of turkeys, which were duly stowed away under their hatches.

Sherman's brave boys probably dined upon sweet potatoes and spring pork, commonly called "shoat,"in the southern plantations. Sherman being beyond the reach of the Commissions and State Agencies, is obliged to forge upon a country where turkies (as well as the American eagle) are scarce, and his men are themselves "gobblers" about this time, unless they have been gobbled by the rebs. This last supposition has but little probability, however, for Sherman's army would make too heavy a meal for rebel digestion.

The soldiers in the camps and in the hospitals of the military department of Washington, fared sumptuously. . . and our citizens enjoyed the festival in their own houses with the unusual zest, after having duly attended service in the churches. Turkies were rather high, but "the goose" was higher, and the American Eagle soared above all. (Nov. 25, 1864.)

After a fully satisfying day of rest and celebration, the busy work of the nation's capital would resume in earnest. There was unfinished business to conduct; a war to be won. And as much as the citizens of Washington City had to be thankful for in 1864, they would have even more blessings to count in a year's time.

On a personal note, I'd like to wish all of my readers a Happy Thanksgiving! Enjoy the good times with family and friends, eat plenty of turkey, and see you in December.

Sources

Washington Daily National Republican,Nov. 25, 1864; Washington Evening Star, Nov. 25, 1864.

Political Disturbances in the Streets of Washington City, October 1864

As the presidential election of 1864 drew near, political tensions in Washington City reached a breaking point. Partisans of both President Abraham Lincoln and the Democratic nominee, Gen. George B. McClellan, mobilized to show their support. Although residents of Washington City could not legally vote in the election, their interest in national politics ran deep. Others lived and worked in Washington, but could claim the right the cast their ballots elsewhere, most notably the Union soldiers who garrisoned the defenses around Washington. Lincoln and McClellan supporters attended rallies, paraded through the streets, and debated the issues in barrooms and hotel lobbies. Given the intensity of the passions on both sides, it is perhaps not surprising that the nation's capital witnessed political unrest and violence in the weeks before election day.

On October 21, 1864, thousands gathered for a huge torchlight procession for the Lincoln-Johnson ticket. Only a few days before, Gen. Phil Sheridan had won a stunning victory over the Confederates at Cedar Creek. Among the marchers were government employees, soldiers, delegations from military hospitals, and members of city and state Lincoln-Johnson organizations. They carried elaborate patriotic banners, proclaiming fealty to the President and Union generals in the field.

As the procession neared Democratic headquarters at Parker's Hall, someone threw a stone, cutting one of the marchers above the eye.  The police rushed to calm the crowd and maintain order, but more trouble soon arose in front of the hall, when a young onlooker grabbed a torch from the hands of a solider in the procession.  The soldier retook the torch and began to beat his assailant before the police intervened and arrested the civilian. Just then, someone set fire to the Democratic flag hanging above the street. According to the Washington Evening Star:

. . . the lower portion of muslin, containing the names of McClellan and [George] Pendleton, was consumed before the flag could be drawn in, [and] caused considerable excitement at that point, but the active exertions of the police prevented any serious difficulty. There is some dispute as to whether the flag was fired accidentally or purposely, but the weight of the evidence is that one of the horsemen in the procession in resentment of some provocation, real or imagined, applied his torch to one corner of the flag in passing under it.... (Oct. 22, 1864.)

The flames were extinguished, and "the flag was run out amid cheers from the McClellan men, who afterwards held indignation meetings in the hall and on the sidewalk...." (Wash. Evening Star, Oct. 22, 1864.) The procession finished without any other serious incidents, but tensions were clearly running high.

Poster for Democratic nominees George McClellan (for President) and George Pendleton (for Vice President) (courtesy of Wikipedia)

McClellan-Pendleton flag from the 1864 presidential election (courtesy of Legendary Auctions).

According to the October 22 edition of the Washington Daily National Republican, "[t]he act of burning the McClellan flag last night is universally condemned, and no doubt due reparation will be made by the Union clubs." Although the paper implied that McClellanites had likely provoked the procession, "the act of burning the flag at Democratic Headquarters was as unjustifiable as it was rash." (Oct. 22, 1864.)

A few days later, on October 25, the Democrats held a flag raising in the city's Sixth Ward. As a procession of McClellan supporters neared the event, they shouted "d__d flag burners" and "dirty niggers" to a group of people who had gathered in front of a Lincoln & Johnson Club meeting hall. (Wash. Even. Star, Oct. 26, 1864.) A fight erupted, although the police "succeeded in restoring order." After the McClellan-Pendleton flag appeared above the street, "a number of fights  took place at times, and amid the cheers and groans of the opposite parties, several bricks and stones were thrown." (Oct. 26, 1864.) The Evening Star reported:

Towards 10 o'clock the uproar became so great that it was impossible for the speakers to be heard, and they came down from the stand and attempted to form a procession, when a shower of stones came down--but by which party it was commenced it is impossible to determine, there being so many conflicting report--and quite a number were struck, and some badly injured. (Oct. 26, 1864.) 

A "number of pistol shot were fired," and one of the bullets grazed a young drummer boy. (Oct. 26, 1864.) The police helped to prevent a further outbreak of violence between "Navy Yard boys" and the McClellan supporters.

Another Democratic rally and McClellan flag raising took place on November 1. This time, "there was a large detail of police. . . including a number of mounted, on the ground to suppress any disorder. . . . (Wash. Even. Star, Nov. 2, 1864.) The Evening Star observed that "there were some on both sides who undoubtedly were prepared for a fight," but the strong police presence prevented another outbreak of violence. (Nov. 2, 1864.)

Today, the streets of Washington seem calm compared to the disorder and chaos of 150 years ago. The stakes were high, and political passions erupted in displays of aggression and violence. Within a week of the Democratic rally on November 1, Lincoln would emerge victorious at the polls. The McClellan-Pendleton flag would fly no more.

Sources

Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington: 1860-1865 (1941); Washington Daily National Republican, Oct. 22, 1864; Washington Evening Star, Oct. 22, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1864.

Passing Through the Old Stomping Grounds, July 1864

Following Jubal Early's defeat at the gates of Washington in July 1864, the Army of the Potomac's VI Corps pursued the Confederates westward to the Shenandoah Valley. Among the Union ranks were men who had spent the first winter of the war at Camp Griffin near Lewinsville, Virginia. They belonged to various units, including the 5th Wisconsin, 7th Maine, 43rd New York, 49th New York, 49th Pennsylvania, and 77th New York, as well as the famed First Vermont Brigade. My ancestor, Pvt. William Baumgarten of Co. K, 102nd Pennsylvania also marched with them. He had only joined the army in March 1864, but had already seen his share of horrific combat during the Overland Campaign.

A stereoscopic view of the 43rd N.Y. at Camp Griffin (courtesy of Wikipedia).

July 20-21, 1864: The Valley to Goose Creek

After suffering defeat at Rutherford's Farm on July 20, Early withdrew up the Valley to Fisher's Hill. The Federal commander, Gen. Horatio Wright, considered the Confederate threat eliminated and ordered the VI Corps and the rest of his force to return to Washington. There the Union soldiers could rest, resupply, and await further orders. (OR, 1:37:2, 419-20.)

Gen. Horatio Wright took command of the VI Corps following Gen. John Sedgwick's death at Spotsylvania (courtesy of Wikipedia). He led his men to the defense of Washington and battled Early at Ft. Stevens.

The VI Corps, along with elements of the XIX Corps, set out during the evening of July 20 from their position near Berryville. The Second Division, including William and the 102nd Pennsylvania, took the lead position in the VI Corps' line of march. [1] Headquarters directed that "[t]he troops will be made to understand that their rations must last them until they reach Washington." (OR, 1:37:2, 406.) After wading across the Shenandoah River, the men pressed on through Snicker's Gap and marched the entire night in wet clothes, taking "brief halts for coffee." (Benedict 492.)

As the sun rose over the Northern Virginia countryside, the columns continued to snake along the turnpike. The tired men of the the 49th Pennsylvania decided to stop in Hamilton for breakfast. According to one diarist from the regiment, "the citizens waved the stars and stripes as we passed through the little village; our bands played and our colors were unfurled." (in Westbrook 213.)

In the afternoon the VI Corps marched through Leesburg and halted near Goose Creek. Here the soldiers rested their sore feet and camped for the night. Those lagging behind on the march were not so fortunate. As the diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania wrote that day, "[John] Mosby is reported in the rear, gobbling up stragglers." (in Westbrook 213.)

July 22, 1864: Goose Creek to Difficult Run & Environs

The wagon train got underway at 4 a.m. on July 22, followed by the VI Corps and the XIX Corps. The day's route took the troops along the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's VA-7). Seeking to protect his columns, Wright ordered that "[t]he cavalry under Colonel [Charles Russell] Lowell. . . be kept well out to the front, flanks, and rear, and endeavor to break up the guerrilla parties in the line of march." (OR, 1:37:2, 412.)

The divisions filed past Dranesville, where the Lees burg-Alexandria Turnpike intersected the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike (today's VA-193). Both roads led towards Washington. To avoid any confusion among his commanders, Wright made clear in his orders that the two corps were to continue on the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike.  

After another long march through heat and dust, the Federal force halted for the night in the vicinity of Difficult Creek. Some of the troops progressed as far as Freedom Hill and Peach Grove Post-Office (today's Tysons Corner) before setting up camp.

July 23-26, 1864: Lewinsville, Langley, and Beyond

The next day, July 23, followed a similar pattern. The two corps began their march around 4 a.m. Before long, they would enter the tiny hamlet of Lewinsville (part of today's McLean). Their route took them past the battlefields where some of the men had fought J.E.B. Stuart in September 1861. They also moved over the very ground once occupied by Camp Griffin. Some of these soldiers had lived here during winter 1861-62 as part of Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. The diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania observed a few differences from those early days:

 [O]ld Camp Griffin has been changed into contraband farms, and our old parade ground is growing a crop of corn. . . . (in Westbrook 213.) [2]

Union Army map showing Lewinsville and vicinity (courtesy of Library of Congress). Wright's men took the road from Peach Grove P.O. (far left), through Lewinsville (center), to Langley (far right). There the VI and XIX Corps picked up the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike to Chain Bridge. Camp Griffin sat on the Mackall, Johnston, and Smoot properties and the surrounding land. Living in this area, I am moved to think that 150 years ago, my ancestor was marching past my very neighborhood on his way to Chain Bridge. How the world is small, even across time!

Wilbur Fisk of the 2nd Vermont even located his former campsite. As he wrote in a letter on August 8, 1864:

There was the same excavation that we had made for the floor of our tent, the same fire-place and chimney and the same log basement. There was my old bedstead made of barrel staves nailed to two poles, and there was my old stool, which I remember used always to be in the other boys' way and which was always a reproach upon my woeful lack of ingenuity. I found too, the identical cup which has served me with coffee many times -- a good one once, but now rusty and half filled with dirt; and there were many other things that I saw around that little spot, uninteresting to others though quite interesting to me. . . . .  An eventful  season of war and strife has passed since we left that ground, and many that were with us then have been laid low by rebel hands; but peace comes not yet. Our regiment was full and strong when it left Camp Griffin, but not one-tenth of those men are with us now. (in Rosenblatt 243-44.)

Continuing along the pike beyond Langley, the VI Corps headed in the direction of Chain Bridge. Some of the men entered familiar territory once again -- on the high ground near the bridge was where soldiers under Gen. Smith had established Camp Advance and started construction of defensive works in September 1861.

Proceeding down a steep hill, Wright's corps reached Chain Bridge, crossed the Potomac, and halted in a rough line stretching from from Battery Vermont to Fort Gaines and Tennallytown. The general immediately took steps to ensure that his corps received adequate supplies. He urged his commanders to "have the wants of their men supplied as rapidly as practicable." (OR, 1:37:2, 425.)

In the end, Wright spent very little time around Tennallytown. Instead of returning to the front before Petersburg, he was dispatched to deal with a new threat from Early. By the morning of July 26, the men were once again on the move. They broke camp and marched that day to Rockville. The campaign against Early was entering a new and prolonged phase.

Postscript

The march of the VI Corps through Lewinsville and Langley was a bittersweet homecoming for some. By summer of 1864, the war had taken a terrible toll, and many soldiers never lived to see the old campgrounds for a second time. Others had left the ranks due to wounds, disease, or the end of enlistment. The survivors also looked upon a landscape that had undergone a revolutionary transformation. In place of picket lines, drills, and military parades were contrabands, marking the transition from slavery to freedom. A return to the "stomping grounds" of 1861-62 symbolized just how far the war had progressed since those early days of relative calm and innocence, before the massive bloodletting and the fight for emancipation.

Notes

[1] Incidentally, William received a head wound in skirmishing around Snicker's Gap a few days before and may possibly have made the trip by ambulance. The exact timing and circumstances of William's wounding is somewhat uncertain based on available sources.

[2] By summer 1864, the contraband farm, Camp Wadsworth, sat on land where Camp Griffin was once located. (See my post here for more information.) Camp Beckwith, another contraband farm, sat north of the village of Lewinsville.


Sources

George Grenville Benedict, Vermont in the Civil War, Vol. 1 (1886); Butler County PAGenWeb, "Genealogical Inquiries" (contains excerpt on Wm. Baumgarten from 1889 book, Presidents, Soldiers and Statesmen, Vol. 1); John H. Niebaum, History of the Pittsburgh Washington Infantry: 102nd (Old 13th) Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers and Its Forebears, 1792 to 1930 (1931); Official Records, 1:37:1, 406-457 & 1:37:2, 272 et seq.; Emil & Ruth Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day: The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk (1992 ed.); Robert Westbrook, History of the 49th Pennsylvania Volunteers (1897).

An Excursion to Ft. Ward for the 150th of Early's Raid on Washington

Last week marked the 150th anniversary of the Confederate raid on Washington. The National Park Service and local governments hosted a multitude of events to commemorate Gen. Jubal Early's daring advance into Maryland, his victory at Monocacy, and his failed attack on Ft. Stevens. I have been pretty busy recently, so I wasn't sure what, if anything, I could attend.  That said, I managed to find some time this past Sunday to go with my twin boys to the Ft. Ward Museum and Historic Site in Alexandria, which was holding a living history weekend to observe the Sesquicentennial of the Battle of Ft. Stevens. The fort is one of my all time favorite Civil War sites in the Washington area. I've seen a lot of living history events these past few years, but this one promised some great photo-ops and featured a concert by the renowned Federal City Brass Band. My boys also like the place as much as I do, and I thought they'd enjoy seeing and learning a few things about the Civil War while Mom was away at a meeting.

The camp of Co. K, 3rd U.S. Infantry, just outside the reconstructed gate of Ft. Ward.

The boys meet President Lincoln and Mary Todd.  Given that Old Abe personally observed the Battle of Ft. Stevens, I suppose you could say that his attendance at the event was a prerequisite!

Stacked rifles of Co. F, 2nd Rhode Island Infantry.

A view of the camp of Thompson's Independent Battery C near Ft. Ward's reconstructed northwest bastion. The howitzer seen here is usually positioned on an emplacement inside the bastion, but was moved to make way for a firing replica used in Saturday's reenactment of the Battle of Ft. Stevens.

Thompson's Battery's very own Parrott gun and limber inside the fort's northwest bastion.

Looking at the interior of the reconstructed northwest bastion. I never get tired of this site -- no other place related to the Defenses of Washington can compare!

Union reenactors from the 3rd U.S. Infantry held a skirmish drill on the museum's lawn.  Here, an officer explains the maneuvers to the crowd.

The reconstructed officers' hut at the fort was open for viewing. 

One of the exhibits at the event featured Civil War railroads. The living historian is pictured here with his collection of Civil War-era railroad relics such as spikes and link and pin coupling.

Jack enjoys the assortment of 19th century toys, including a cup-and-ball and Jacob's ladder.

The Federal City Brass Band plays on the lawn in front of the Ft. Ward Museum building. At the start of the concert, the group struck up Hail to the Chief  as Lincoln and the First Lady took their seats at the front of the audience. The group performed a wide array of patriotic tunes, including Battle Cry of Freedom and Yankee Doodle. The sound of period brass instruments on a hot summer day carried me right back to 19th century America.

All told, the commemorative event at Ft. Ward was a pleasant way to spend a Sunday afternoon in a picture-perfect, family-friendly setting. The museum did a commendable job of putting together an informative living history program, and I am sure that Saturday's reenactment of the attack on Ft. Stevens brought the battle alive for many. Such events go a long way to helping the public connect to and understand the Civil War, including my own very curious preschoolers!

John Sedgwick's Brief Stay in Washington After Spotsylvania

Today marks the 150th anniversary of the death of Maj. Gen. John Sedgwick during the Battle of Spotsylvania. Sedgwick, commander of the Army of the Potomac's VI Corps, was placing artillery and organizing his lines within range of Confederate sharpshooters when he noticed Union soldiers ducking for cover from enemy fire. Admonishing his men, Sedgwick exclaimed, "They couldn't hit an elephant at this distance." Shortly afterwards, the general was felled by a Confederate bullet. Sedgwick was the highest-ranking Union casualty of the Civil War.

Maj. Gen. John Sedgwick (courtesy of Wikipedia). The beloved general earned the affectionate nickname, "Uncle John."

So what happened to Sedgwick post-mortem? The Washington Evening Star ran an article on May 12, 1864 describing the events that followed the unfortunate episode in Spotsylvania:

The body of Major General John Sedgwick, commanding the Sixth Corps of the Army of the Potomac, who was killed on Monday, was embalmed yesterday at the establishment of Dr. Holmes, Pennsylvania avenue, near Third Street, and was visited during the day by a large number of persons, among whom were many ladies and soldiers, and as some of the latter gazed on the placid features of one who had almost the universal respect of the army, and who was idolized by his men, they shed tears freely.

The corpse was attired in his uniform, and a few moments before the coffin was closed a magnificent bouquet was placed on the breast. A lady exhibited a singular pertinacity in the endeavor to procure a memento of the fallen by clipping two buttons from his coat. A guard of four Volunteer Reserves was stationed at the door and on either side of the corpse. The coffin was of rosewood, lined with white satin, and, in compliance with the wishes of his staff, was made without ornamentation of any sort.

In obedience to a call a number of officers of the Army of the Potomac assembled yesterday afternoon at the National Hotel and resolved to escort the remains to the cars. . .. [A]fter the remains had been escorted the cars the officers assembled again at the hotel where they passed resolutions of respect to the memory of the deceased.

A few minutes [sic] 7 o'clock the officers proceeded to Dr. Holmes', where the coffin was boxed up, and escorted to the cars, leaving at 7.50, the remains being accompanied by Maj. Whittier, Captains Beaumont and Halsted of the staff of the deceased, Maj. W.P. Jones, late of Gen. Wool's staff, Hon. C.B. Sedgwick of N.Y., and several members of the Connecticut delegation. The remains were placed on a special car tendered by A.W. Morkley, of the Camden and Amboy railroad, which was to have proceeded through to New York, from whence the remains would be transported to Cornwall, Litchfield county, Connecticut.

Sedgwick was laid to rest in the cemetery in Cornwall Hollow on May 15, 1864. Fellow blogger John Banks visited the grave a few years ago and describes the funeral here.

Washington City's Newspapers Report on the Opening of the Overland Campaign

The 150th anniversary of the Overland Campaign has officially begun. On this day in 1864 the Union and Confederate armies fought each other in the dense woods and thick underbrush of the Wilderness. I recently looked at some articles in the Washington papers from the corresponding time period, curious as to news residents of the nation's capital were receiving about the battle. What I found was an unusually long time lag, as well as inaccuracy, confusion, and contradiction. Perhaps this is not entirely surprising. The Union Army started removing telegraph lines once the spring campaign got underway, and even the Lincoln Administration was straining to learn news of the Army of the Potomac.

As the first day of the battle raged less than 100 miles to the south, readers of the Washington Daily National Republican were greeted with a headline that the Union Army was "[a]cross the Rapidan." (DNR, May 5, 1864.) Already Gen. Robert E. Lee "has been compelled to fall back from the strong position where he has held us at bay all winter," and "[e]very hour may now bring us news of a battle. . . ." (May 5, 1864.) Likewise, the Washington Evening Star informed readers:

The belief is expressed by parties from the front that Lee has suddenly evacuated his position; and there is a report coming through Rebel sources that he is marching rapidly to meet a Federal force believed in Richmond to be moving up the peninsula under General [William F.] Smith. 

Good military judges about us however, believe that Lee means to confront [Ulysses S.] Grant directly. . . .

We may be certain from Grant's past history that his movements will be rapid and telling. (ES, May 5. 1864.)

"Major-General [James] Wadsworth Fighting in the Wilderness," Harper's Weekly, June 4. 1864, after a sketch by A.R. Waud (courtesy of sonofthesouth.net). This illustration depicts fighting on May 6. Wadsworth was mortally wounded during the battle.

The next day, the hard fighting continued in the Wilderness, but the citizens of Washington were left guessing as to events at the front. According to one report in the Evening Star, "Lee's intention is to retreat to Richmond or to make a stand near Hanover C.H." (ES, May 6, 1864.) The Daily National Republican had little additional information, but offered some commentary:

We shall be very much disappointed if the first official dispatch from Gen. Grant is not dated from the victorious plains of Spotsylvania or before the defences of Richmond. 

The killed in the battle already fought, or to be fought, in Virginia we cannot serve, but the wounded we all can help, and it behooves the citizens to prepare themselves to render all the aid in their power.  

The number must be great in such a terrible conflict as will take place whenever the armies of Grant and Lee meet. (DNR, May 6, 1864.)

Washington Daily National Republican, May 7, 1864

Finally, the May 7 papers carried news of the recent battle in the Wilderness based on a dispatch from a New York Tribune correspondent who had made his way behind the lines. The Daily National Republican, which also cited government sources, loudly proclaimed, "Grant Victorious. . . THE REBELS DEFEATED." (DNR, May 7, 1864.) The Evening Star was more cautious and spoke of "RUMOR RUN WILD":

A contemporary publishes this afternoon as information received by Government, statements that a great victory was achieved by General Grant. . . . 

We should be very glad to be able to confirm this news, but have to say that after diligent inquiry we are satisfied that Government has received no such information, or any information of more decisive results than that furnished by the Tribune dispatch elsewhere.

The fact that [Gen. George] Meade was able to stand the brunt of the Confederate onset with a portion of his command is considered a hopeful indication, and we hope soon to be able to announce a decisive victory, but we shall not trifle with our readers by manufacturing bogus victories for an hour's sensation. (ES, May 7, 1864.)

The next day, the Evening Star had reason for optimism:

The Chief Quartermaster has made a requisition for grain for the animals. This imports an advance by General Grant. . . . 

There seems to be no doubt that, although nothing decisive has yet occurred, the enemy has been foiled in his confident expectation of driving General Grant back before his operations could be fully developed, and that Lee has been compelled to give way. (ES, May 8, 1864.)

Finally, on May 9, three days after the battle had ended, the Evening Star declared Grant "VICTORIOUS" and informed readers that "Lee retreats 12 miles, leaving his dead and wounded in our hands." (ES, May 9, 1864.) By this time, however, news of another battle was starting to trickle in:

Parties in Alexandria County, yesterday, heard firing as from heavy siege guns, in the direction of Spotsylvania Court House, from 11 to 1 o'clock a.m. The distance is over 60 miles, but the day was quiet and the wind from the southwest, making it not improbable that the firing was from a battle going on yesterday between Grant and Lee. (ES, May 9, 1864.)

The Daily National Republican again rushed to declare another win:

There is reason to believe, from dispatches already received since our first extra to-day, that Lee was forced to fight at Spotsylvania on Sunday [May 8], and was again repulsed and compelled to retreat. (DNR, May 9, 1864.)

Of course, the engagement at Spotsylvania would drag on for days and prove just as inconclusive as the fight in the Wilderness had been. Grant, however, pushed onward in pursuit of Lee. Throughout the remainder of May and into June, Washingtonians continued to read about mounting casualties while praying for that ever elusive final victory over the Army of Northern Virginia. The papers would have no shortage of war news for the days and months to come.

Sources:

Noah Andre Trudeau, Bloody Roads South: The Wilderness to Cold Harbor, May-June 1864 (1989); Washington Daily National Republican, May 5, 6, 7 & 9, 1864; Washington Evening Star, May 5, 6, 7, 8 & 9, 1864.

A Surprise Visit to Battery Parrott

A few weeks ago I had the pleasure of attending a reception at the residence of the Belgian Ambassador to the United States. Located along Foxhall Rd., N.W. in Washington, this ornate home sits atop the heights dominating the Potomac River near Chain Bridge. Imagine my surprise when I discovered that that the property was the site of Battery Parrott, part of the defenses of Washington during the Civil War. In fact, the Belgian Embassy website even discusses the history associated with the location.

The Union Army erected Battery Parrott in 1862 on land belonging to local widow Ellen King. The battery was named after Robert P. Parrott, a former captain of ordinance and inventor of the Parrott gun.  Battery Parrott was equipped with two 100-pounder Parrott rifles. Gen. John G. Barnard, Chief Engineer for the Department of Washington, later called Battery Parrott one of the "most perfect and complete" batteries in the defenses of the nation's capital. (Barnard 72-73.) Along with Batteries Cameron and Kemble, Battery Parrott swept the Virginia side of the Potomac from Chain Bridge and Forts Marcy and Ethan Allen to Fort DeKalb (Fort Strong).


The remaining earthworks of Battery Parrott are plainly visible in the backyard of the Belgian Ambassador's Residence. The massive Parrott guns were mounted en barbette behind the parapet.

Battery Parrott was garrisoned at various times by companies from the 1st Maine Heavy Artillery, the 1st New Hampshire Heavy Artillery, and the 9th New York Heavy Artillery. Company K of the 1st Maine Heavy Artillery served the longest at the battery, from August 1862 until being sent to the front during the Overland Campaign in May 1864. Writing to Chief of Staff Henry W. Halleck about the state of Washington's defenses in spring 1864, Gen. A.P. Howe, Inspector of Artillery, observed:

Battery Parrott, Capt. Frederic E. Shaw commanding.–Garrison, one company First Maine Heavy Artillery–1 commissioned officer, 1 ordnance-sergeant, 46 men. Armament, two 100-pounder Parrots. Magazines, one; dry and in good order. Ammunition, full supply and serviceable. Implements, complete and serviceable. Drill in artillery, fair. Drill in infantry, fair. Garrison is sufficient. (in NPS at Vol. I, Appendix E.)

As with nearly all of the forts and batteries around the nations capital, Battery Parrott saw no action during the Civil War.

Photo of a 100-pounder Parrott, this one taken at Ft. Totten outside Washington (courtesy Library of Congress)

At the end of hostilities in 1865, the Union military offered King wood and other materials from the battery as compensation for the occupation of her land. The widow refused at first, but relented in October 1865, accepted the in-kind compensation, and signed a release discharging any future claims against the U.S. Government. King nevertheless filed a claim for rent and the taking of timber in May 1874. Despite the earlier release, King prevailed and was awarded compensation by the U.S. Treasury Department in 1875 and 1876.

Detail from 1865 War Department map of the defenses of Washington showing the position of Battery Parrott (center), as well as other features, including Batteries Cameron and Kemble, Chain Bridge, Ft. Marcy, Ft. Ethan Allen, and Ft. Strong (courtesy of the Library of Congress).

The position of Battery Parrott (blue pin) indicated on a modern map of Washington, DC and Virginia. (See here for a larger map.)

Sipping on a Belgian beer and looking out at the earthworks behind the ambassador's house, I couldn't help but chuckle. Things are sometimes ironic like that in Washington. One hundred and fifty years ago, boys from Maine tramped across this very land, while 100-pounder guns stood guard against the possibility of Rebel incursions, however remote. Now internationally-minded professionals were mingling and eating hors d'oeuvres, most oblivious to the importance of the site during our nation's most trying ordeal.

Sources

John G. Barnard, A Report on the Defenses of Washington (1871); Benjamin Franklin Cooling III & Walton H. Owen II, Mr. Lincoln's Forts: A Guide to the Civil War Defenses of Washington (2010 ed.); Historic Preservation Review Board, Government of the District of Columbia, Application for Historic Landmark or Historic District Designation for the Scheele-Brown Farmhouse (2013); National Park Service, A Historic Resources Study: The Civil War Defenses of Washington, Parts I & II (2004); Official Records, Series 1, Vol. XXV, Pt. 2, at 187 (1889).