Civil War Views: Another Photograph of the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin?

In October 1861, Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division established Camp Griffin near Langley and Lewinsville, Virginia (today's McLean). The regiments in Smith's force included the 43rd New York of Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock's brigade. Five years ago I discovered a stereoview of the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin. This scene was captured by Edward Bierstadt, a photographer who was also the brother of famed artist Albert Bierstadt. After some additional research, I recently learned that Edward ran a temporary studio in Langley near the 43rd New York's quarters at Camp Griffin. There he joined other photographers, including George Houghton, who took some iconic photographs of the Vermont Brigade in Northern Virginia. Surrounded by thousands of soldiers hungry for images to send to the folks back home, these photographers found a ready-made market for cartes-de-visite and camp pictures.

Among the Bierstadt photographs in the collection at the New York Public Library is the following, entitled "Culinary art in Camp, 43rd Reg. N.Y. Volunteers":


(courtesy of Wikimedia; also at NYPL Digital Collections)

This stereoscopic photograph does not mention a location. However, given that Bierstadt was with the 43rd New York at Camp Griffin, it seems highly probable that this photograph was taken there around the same general time as the regimental camp scene that I have featured before on the blog:

(courtesy of Wikimedia; also at NYPL Digital Collection)

This conclusion is further reinforced by the numbering convention at the bottom of both photographs. The photo of the regiment in formation bears the number 1319, while the culinary scene appears as number 1323. They are close enough in the sequence to be related to one another, and also bear the same photographer's inscription on the reverse of "Bierstadt Brothers, New Bedford, Mass." I haven't yet been able to reconstruct where else Bierstadt may have photographed the 43rd New York after Camp Griffin, if at all.

The photograph itself is rather curious. Bierstadt has captured an ordinary scene of camp life, in all its primitive glory, and his title for the photograph is certainly ironic! A crude shelter covers the "kitchen." Poultry and meat carcasses, along with a butcher's ax, appear to rest on a wooden plank. Boxes and pots clutter the background. A couple of the cooks wear what look like fezes. One man is busy cutting food. The picture reminds us that the Civil War was often more than just marches and battles. Thanks to Bierstadt, we are fortunate to get yet another opportunity to see life in the camps around Washington at the start of the war.

Source

Eleanor Jones Harvey, The Civil War and American Art (2012).

For more on the location of the camp of the 43rd N.Y. see my previous posts here and here.

Remarkable Photographs and Sketches of Camp Griffin on the Library of Congress Website

Over the last few years, I have devoted considerable attention to the Union Army encampments in the vicinity of present-day McLean, Virginia. Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division established Camp Griffin in October 1861 on property near the villages of Langley and Lewinsville. (The Pennsylvania Reserves, meanwhile, settled down at Camp Pierpont, which stretched along the Georgetown-Leesburg Turnpike and passed through Langley.) Whenever possible, I've tried to publish illustrations related to the camps, including some of George Houghton's fascinating photographs of the Vermont Brigade at Camp Griffin.

Thanks to a fellow blogger at Chooeubhaokhaossian the Great's Temple of History, I recently discovered a treasure trove of photographs and sketches of Camp Griffin on the Library of Congress's Prints & Photographs Online Catalog.  (Click here for the set of images.) The LoC's online collection appears to have expanded. I previously located a few Houghton photographs on the site, and in particular a set showing the separate companies of the 6th Vermont. Now several images (including a few photographs that are entirely new to me) are available for study and exploration. Moreover, the site offers some sketches by Larkin Goldsmith Mead, who was an artist for Harper's Weekly assigned to the Army of the Potomac. According to the LoC, Mead also made topographical drawings for Baldy Smith. I hope to return to some of these remarkable images in the future. For now, head over to the LoC website and take a look at life in camp around Washington during the first fall and winter of the war.

Here is just a sampling of the images:

"Union soldiers in front of tents, probably at Camp Griffin, Langley, Virginia," by George Houghton (courtesy of Library of Congress).

"Second Vermont Camp Griffin 1861," by George Houghton (courtesy of Library of Congress).

"Photographers on the Potomac. Camp Griffin, Virginia," by Larkin G, Mead (courtesy of Library of Congress).

A Fond Farewell to Lewinsville & Langley! Off to Farmwell!

My wife and I just closed on a house in Ashburn, Virginia this past Monday. We are very excited to get more space and to live a little farther from the chaos "inside the Beltway"! Ashburn (Farmwell and Farmwell Station during the 1860s) is situated in Loudoun County, a place steeped in Civil War history. The Battle of Ball's Bluff took place not more than 20 minutes from our doorstep. Armies also marched through the county before Antietam and Gettysburg. And don't forget that Loudoun was part of Mosby's Confederacy. In other words, Civil War buffs would find a lot to like about calling the county home. (If you enjoy wineries, there are plenty of those to explore as well!)

I hope to get more involved with the Loudoun County Civil War Roundtable. After all, I won't have to drive nearly as far to attend their monthly meetings. They tend to have a really strong line-up. I also look forward to living closer to a few of my friends with an interest in the war, including fellow blogger Craig Swain and Army of the Potomac expert extraordinaire Todd Berkoff. I trust that both will help me learn more about the area during the war! (Craig, I am counting on you to bring me up to speed on that Civil War-era road network. . . .)

As much as I am looking forward to a new home, I will also miss McLean (Lewinsville and Langley during the war). I've lived here for over five years now, and as readers know, I have spent a lot of time peeling back the layers of McLean's Civil War history. I've written and lectured about Camp Griffin and Camp Pierpont, which served as 1861-62 winter quarters for two Union divisions. I've taken a look at the "Battle of Lewinsville," a fascinating little fight that involved the likes of Isaac Stevens, J.E.B. Stuart, and John Mosby. I also got to know my Civil War-era neighbors, families such as the Mackalls, Means, and Johnstons. More recently, I've become obsessed with the contraband camps that were located in the McLean area from 1863 onward.  

Looking down from the crest of Johnston's Hill, right around the corner from my former home in McLean. Union Army units, including the Pennsylvania Reserves, held parades at the base of Johnston's Hill during the first winter of the Civil War. (See this post, where I discuss the location.)

The surviving landmarks are everywhere around me. I drive past Salona (Baldy Smith's HQ) and the Langley Ordinary (George A. McCall's HQ) on my daily commute. Benvenue, the location of Winfield Scott Hancock's brigade hospital, is an everyday sight on my early morning walks.  Although not as well known as other places like Henry Hill or Dunker Church, all of these landmarks represent a very real tie that my former community has across time to the Civil War.

You may be wondering what this all means for the future direction of the blog, if anything. I still have many stories about McLean in the pipeline and don't plan on giving them up, just because I am moving to another part of Northern Virginia. The same goes for other sites in Fairfax. The endless array of topics accumulating on my to-do list long ago outpaced my ability to keep up. Apparently four years wasn't enough time to cover it all! At the same time, I am looking forward to exploring some hidden corners of Civil War history in my new "neighborhood." So I suppose that what it comes down to is that this is a blog covering all of Northern Virginia (and sometimes DC) and will remain that way.

In the end, I will miss my former community, and my involvement with the history scene here. A special thanks goes out to the McLean Historical Society, which invited me to give lectures and to serve on the board. I've enjoyed living in McLean and learning about what our ancestors did here. Now I turn to a new chapter as I head west down State Route 267 and establish a home in another location so important to Northern Virginia's Civil War history.

Passing Through the Old Stomping Grounds, July 1864

Following Jubal Early's defeat at the gates of Washington in July 1864, the Army of the Potomac's VI Corps pursued the Confederates westward to the Shenandoah Valley. Among the Union ranks were men who had spent the first winter of the war at Camp Griffin near Lewinsville, Virginia. They belonged to various units, including the 5th Wisconsin, 7th Maine, 43rd New York, 49th New York, 49th Pennsylvania, and 77th New York, as well as the famed First Vermont Brigade. My ancestor, Pvt. William Baumgarten of Co. K, 102nd Pennsylvania also marched with them. He had only joined the army in March 1864, but had already seen his share of horrific combat during the Overland Campaign.

A stereoscopic view of the 43rd N.Y. at Camp Griffin (courtesy of Wikipedia).

July 20-21, 1864: The Valley to Goose Creek

After suffering defeat at Rutherford's Farm on July 20, Early withdrew up the Valley to Fisher's Hill. The Federal commander, Gen. Horatio Wright, considered the Confederate threat eliminated and ordered the VI Corps and the rest of his force to return to Washington. There the Union soldiers could rest, resupply, and await further orders. (OR, 1:37:2, 419-20.)

Gen. Horatio Wright took command of the VI Corps following Gen. John Sedgwick's death at Spotsylvania (courtesy of Wikipedia). He led his men to the defense of Washington and battled Early at Ft. Stevens.

The VI Corps, along with elements of the XIX Corps, set out during the evening of July 20 from their position near Berryville. The Second Division, including William and the 102nd Pennsylvania, took the lead position in the VI Corps' line of march. [1] Headquarters directed that "[t]he troops will be made to understand that their rations must last them until they reach Washington." (OR, 1:37:2, 406.) After wading across the Shenandoah River, the men pressed on through Snicker's Gap and marched the entire night in wet clothes, taking "brief halts for coffee." (Benedict 492.)

As the sun rose over the Northern Virginia countryside, the columns continued to snake along the turnpike. The tired men of the the 49th Pennsylvania decided to stop in Hamilton for breakfast. According to one diarist from the regiment, "the citizens waved the stars and stripes as we passed through the little village; our bands played and our colors were unfurled." (in Westbrook 213.)

In the afternoon the VI Corps marched through Leesburg and halted near Goose Creek. Here the soldiers rested their sore feet and camped for the night. Those lagging behind on the march were not so fortunate. As the diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania wrote that day, "[John] Mosby is reported in the rear, gobbling up stragglers." (in Westbrook 213.)

July 22, 1864: Goose Creek to Difficult Run & Environs

The wagon train got underway at 4 a.m. on July 22, followed by the VI Corps and the XIX Corps. The day's route took the troops along the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (today's VA-7). Seeking to protect his columns, Wright ordered that "[t]he cavalry under Colonel [Charles Russell] Lowell. . . be kept well out to the front, flanks, and rear, and endeavor to break up the guerrilla parties in the line of march." (OR, 1:37:2, 412.)

The divisions filed past Dranesville, where the Lees burg-Alexandria Turnpike intersected the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike (today's VA-193). Both roads led towards Washington. To avoid any confusion among his commanders, Wright made clear in his orders that the two corps were to continue on the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike.  

After another long march through heat and dust, the Federal force halted for the night in the vicinity of Difficult Creek. Some of the troops progressed as far as Freedom Hill and Peach Grove Post-Office (today's Tysons Corner) before setting up camp.

July 23-26, 1864: Lewinsville, Langley, and Beyond

The next day, July 23, followed a similar pattern. The two corps began their march around 4 a.m. Before long, they would enter the tiny hamlet of Lewinsville (part of today's McLean). Their route took them past the battlefields where some of the men had fought J.E.B. Stuart in September 1861. They also moved over the very ground once occupied by Camp Griffin. Some of these soldiers had lived here during winter 1861-62 as part of Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. The diarist from the 49th Pennsylvania observed a few differences from those early days:

 [O]ld Camp Griffin has been changed into contraband farms, and our old parade ground is growing a crop of corn. . . . (in Westbrook 213.) [2]

Union Army map showing Lewinsville and vicinity (courtesy of Library of Congress). Wright's men took the road from Peach Grove P.O. (far left), through Lewinsville (center), to Langley (far right). There the VI and XIX Corps picked up the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike to Chain Bridge. Camp Griffin sat on the Mackall, Johnston, and Smoot properties and the surrounding land. Living in this area, I am moved to think that 150 years ago, my ancestor was marching past my very neighborhood on his way to Chain Bridge. How the world is small, even across time!

Wilbur Fisk of the 2nd Vermont even located his former campsite. As he wrote in a letter on August 8, 1864:

There was the same excavation that we had made for the floor of our tent, the same fire-place and chimney and the same log basement. There was my old bedstead made of barrel staves nailed to two poles, and there was my old stool, which I remember used always to be in the other boys' way and which was always a reproach upon my woeful lack of ingenuity. I found too, the identical cup which has served me with coffee many times -- a good one once, but now rusty and half filled with dirt; and there were many other things that I saw around that little spot, uninteresting to others though quite interesting to me. . . . .  An eventful  season of war and strife has passed since we left that ground, and many that were with us then have been laid low by rebel hands; but peace comes not yet. Our regiment was full and strong when it left Camp Griffin, but not one-tenth of those men are with us now. (in Rosenblatt 243-44.)

Continuing along the pike beyond Langley, the VI Corps headed in the direction of Chain Bridge. Some of the men entered familiar territory once again -- on the high ground near the bridge was where soldiers under Gen. Smith had established Camp Advance and started construction of defensive works in September 1861.

Proceeding down a steep hill, Wright's corps reached Chain Bridge, crossed the Potomac, and halted in a rough line stretching from from Battery Vermont to Fort Gaines and Tennallytown. The general immediately took steps to ensure that his corps received adequate supplies. He urged his commanders to "have the wants of their men supplied as rapidly as practicable." (OR, 1:37:2, 425.)

In the end, Wright spent very little time around Tennallytown. Instead of returning to the front before Petersburg, he was dispatched to deal with a new threat from Early. By the morning of July 26, the men were once again on the move. They broke camp and marched that day to Rockville. The campaign against Early was entering a new and prolonged phase.

Postscript

The march of the VI Corps through Lewinsville and Langley was a bittersweet homecoming for some. By summer of 1864, the war had taken a terrible toll, and many soldiers never lived to see the old campgrounds for a second time. Others had left the ranks due to wounds, disease, or the end of enlistment. The survivors also looked upon a landscape that had undergone a revolutionary transformation. In place of picket lines, drills, and military parades were contrabands, marking the transition from slavery to freedom. A return to the "stomping grounds" of 1861-62 symbolized just how far the war had progressed since those early days of relative calm and innocence, before the massive bloodletting and the fight for emancipation.

Notes

[1] Incidentally, William received a head wound in skirmishing around Snicker's Gap a few days before and may possibly have made the trip by ambulance. The exact timing and circumstances of William's wounding is somewhat uncertain based on available sources.

[2] By summer 1864, the contraband farm, Camp Wadsworth, sat on land where Camp Griffin was once located. (See my post here for more information.) Camp Beckwith, another contraband farm, sat north of the village of Lewinsville.


Sources

George Grenville Benedict, Vermont in the Civil War, Vol. 1 (1886); Butler County PAGenWeb, "Genealogical Inquiries" (contains excerpt on Wm. Baumgarten from 1889 book, Presidents, Soldiers and Statesmen, Vol. 1); John H. Niebaum, History of the Pittsburgh Washington Infantry: 102nd (Old 13th) Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers and Its Forebears, 1792 to 1930 (1931); Official Records, 1:37:1, 406-457 & 1:37:2, 272 et seq.; Emil & Ruth Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day: The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk (1992 ed.); Robert Westbrook, History of the 49th Pennsylvania Volunteers (1897).

Commemorating the 150th of Spotsylvania Court House

This past Monday I headed to Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park to attend the Sesquicentennial commemoration of the Union attack on the Mule Shoe Salient during the Battle of Spotsylvania. The fighting on May 12, 1864 was some of the most intense and brutal combat of the entire Civil War. An early morning Federal attack by the Union II Corps on Gen. Robert E. Lee's lines at the salient led to an initial breakthrough. The Confederates threw in reinforcements to beat back the Union onslaught. The fighting lasted for twenty-two long hours and resulted in a stalemate. The infamous "Bloody Angle" was the scene of a particularly ferocious struggle. All told, both sides suffered around 17,000 casualties that day.

Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania NMP has offered a myriad of events to commemorate the Sesquicentennial of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania. Work has been pretty busy in recent weeks, so I had to be selective. Given the prominent place of the Bloody Angle in the narrative of the Overland Campaign, I opted to attend some of Monday's activities at the battlefield.

I headed down I-95 under an early morning sky. Arriving at the battlefield, I couldn't help but notice the difference in weather compared to the same time 150 years ago. The combat at the Mule Shoe Salient took place in foggy, rainy, and muddy conditions. By contrast, the sun on Monday was strong and bright as the day got underway. I was also struck by the number of cars parked along the road around the Bloody Angle stop. A couple hundred hardcore enthusiasts had already come to participate in the pre-dawn hike covering the Union attack, and high turn-out also characterized the tours that I attended. Don't let anyone tell you that the Sesquicentennial is suffering from a lack of interest!

Until Monday, I had never before visited Spotsylvania. I immediately felt chills as I looked out over the ravines and remnants of the earthworks at the Bloody Angle. Here I stood to ponder the enormity of what was happening at that very moment on that very ground 150 years ago. As I have come to learn during the Sesquicentennial, nothing can surpass the feeling of commemorating a battle on the anniversary day.

Red and white carnations covered the remains of the Confederate earthworks at the Bloody Angle.

The National Park Service maintained a "silent sentinel" for 22 hours, May 12-13, to commemorate the 22 hours of non-stop combat at the Mule Shoe Salient.

I attended a two-hour tour at 8 a.m. covering the famous "Lee to the rear!" episode and the Confederate response to the initial Union attack at the salient. We even stopped at the supposed spot where the Rebel commander was urged to turn around and get out of harm's way. At 12:30 I participated in a two-hour hike examining the lesser-known fighting at the east face of the salient, including the site of the Union IX Corps engagement with Confederates under Gen. James Lane. The Park Rangers on both tours were highly informative and helped visitors to make sense of what happened and where. I am always impressed by their knowledge and their professionalism.

Cars lined both sides of the road around the Bloody Angle.

Eric Mink discusses the role of Col. Simon Griffn's brigade (Potter's Division, IX Corps) in the Union attack on the east side of the Mule Shoe Salient. This picture gives a good idea of how large the tour groups were on Monday.

Luckily I found some time to see other sites at Spotsylvania, including the location of Col. Emory Upton's May 10 attack on the Mule Shoe Salient. Following the afternoon hike, I also toured the Wilderness battlefield, where I had the opportunity to visit Saunders Field, the Tapp Field, the site of James Longstreet's wounding, and other well-known spots. I was particularly interested in seeing the Brock Road-Orange Plank Road intersection due to some personally meaningful connections. Everywhere I went on both fields I came across flags and flowers from recent Sesquicentennial commemorations, reminding me that yesterday's sacrifices have not faded from our memory despite the passage of time.

Throughout my personal Wilderness and Spotsylvania tours I relied on the Civil War Trust's Overland Campaign Battle App, which I just installed on my iPhone last week. The app's GPS-enabled map was indispensable to making sure I didn't miss anything I wanted to see.

Monument to Gen. John Sedgwick on the Spotsylvania Battlefield. The Union commander of the VI Corps was killed near here by a Confederate sharpshooter on May 9, 1864.

A visitor placed this lone flower on the monument to Union Gen. Alexander Hays, who fell here on May 5, 1864 during the first day of the fighting in the Wilderness.

The critical intersection of the Brock Road and Orange Plank Road on the Wilderness Battlefield. My ancestor, William Baumgarten, first experienced combat near this spot on May 5, 1864. His regiment, the 102nd Pennsylvania, was part of Gen. Frank Wheaton's brigade of Gen. George Getty's VI Corps division. Getty's men played a key role in defending against Confederate Gen. A.P. Hill's advance on the intersection during the first day of the battle.

Monument dedicated to the First Vermont Brigade at the Wilderness Battlefield. In October 1861, the Vermont Brigade established Camp Griffin near the area where my home now sits in McLean, VA. The men spent the first winter of the war there before heading off to the front. At the Wilderness, the brigade, under the leadership of Col. Lewis A. Grant, also fought as part of Getty's Division at Brock Road. The unit experienced over 1,200 casualties in the battle.

Sesquicentennial events are also social occasions, and this one was no exception to the rule. I had a chance to meet fellow blogger Damian Shiels, who came all the way from Ireland to visit Civil War battlefields and attend the 150th commemorative events at Wilderness and Spotsylvania. I also had the pleasure of meeting John Cummings, who maintains the Spotsylvania Civil War Blog. My friend and Civil War expert Todd Berkoff and I walked together on the first tour, and I appreciated his insights on the battle. I also got to catch up over lunch with Robert Moore, another friend and fellow blogger. He and I joined Damian on the hike of the east side of the salient.

My visit to Spotsylvania on Monday was one of my most meaningful Sesquicentennial experiences. I am pleased that I could walk the hallowed ground at the Mule Shoe Salient to learn about and honor those who fought there 150 years ago. The personal side tour of the Wilderness also allowed me to commemorate the sacrifices that my ancestor made on that battlefield. All told, it was a trip to remember. And now on to Cold Harbor....

Visiting Gen. Hancock and the Fortifications on Mackall's Hill

A few weeks ago I wrote about Dr. Richard C. Mackall. By the time of the Civil War, this prominent Maryland-born physician had settled in Fairfax County. His 129-acre farm sat along the road from Chain Bridge to Lewinsville. As the Union Army pushed deeper into the Old Dominion at the start of October 1861, Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock established his headquarters at Mackall's home. Hancock's brigade, consisting of the 5th Wisconsin, 6th Maine, 43rd New York, and 49th Pennsylvania, belonged to William F. "Baldy" Smith's division. Hancock's regiments, along with the others in Smith's division, established Camp Griffin on the farms around Lewinsville. The Union Army arrested Mackall on suspicion of disloyalty. Hancock apparently secured Mackall's release, and the doctor returned afterwards to his childhood home in Maryland.

A war correspondent for the New York Times paid a visit to Hancock's headquarters not long after Smith's advance. His lengthy dispatch, found here, is well worth reading in its entirety. The reporter described Hancock's brigade as sitting at "the extreme western limits of our encampments." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The general was "on the outermost verge -- standing next to the foe, and in his front." (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.) The correspondent made no secret of his admiration for the brigade commander:

The Germans say that "the future of every man is written on his face." If there is not honor and glory broadly written on the face of Gen. HANCOCK, I misinterpret the language of faces. He has a name that would make a man fight, whether he had or had not the will. He evidently has the will, and that is backed by the experience of Cerro Gordo, Molino del Rey, Contreras and Cherubusco.* I have no doubt that he will prove himself, when opportunity occurs, worthy of the post of honor and of danger in which the instinct of Gen. MCCLELLAN has placed him. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)*

The article was not far off the mark, although perhaps I reveal my own biases!


Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock (courtesy of National Portrait Gallery)

The correspondent also observed how the war had dramatically transformed Mackall's property since the arrival of the Union Army:

Even around the outposts, that necessity which knows no law is fiercely predominant. The house in which Gen. HANCOCK has his quarters stands on the pinnacle of the knoll, or cone, I have described. It was originally one of the most comfortable and convenient of any hereabouts. The cone was covered with timber -- not the small, second growth of the surrounding country, but real ancestral oaks -- grand old monarchs of the last century's forests. On all the slope; that faced toward Miner's Hill,** and towards the supposed lurking-place of the enemy, the soldiers have cut away the trees, and turned them into an abattis. Around the house, and half-way up the slope, a deep rifle-pit has been dug, from which thousands of men could deal death upon an advancing line. On the lawn stand Parrott guns and howitzers, and limbers and caissons, and the smooth sod and the walks are tramped up by the picketed horses. It has evidently been the labor and the pride of years. Any one who had dug and delved, and planted and watched, with the hope and the prospect of enjoyment, can appreciate the feelings of one who sees all the labor of years thus cast down, as it were, in an hour. I could but think, as I saw the old trees prostrated, of the little home far away on the peaceful shores of the Hudson, and hope that it might neither witness the carnage nor the devastation of war. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

According to the Times, the Confederates were keeping their distance from the Union lines, but Hancock was unlikely to let them go unchallenged:

Since our army advanced, the enemy have been shy of showing themselves around Lewinsville. Occasionally [Romeyn] AYRES drops a shell where it is possible they may be, or [Thaddeus] MOTT sends to their late haunts a messenger by the mouth of his rifled Parrotts. But they don't respond. Whether they are shy or only sullen, neither AYRES' shell nor MOTT's conicals can determine. If they don't respond soon, it is possible that Gen. HANCOCK may look for them in person, accompanied by a few friends, and I shall hope to be present at the interview. (N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.)

Detail of 1862 Union Army map of Northeastern Virginia showing property of Dr. Richard C. Mackall along the road  to Lewinsville (courtesy of Library of Congress). The "knoll or cone" mentioned in the New York Times article was known locally as "Mackall's Hill." A present-day map of McLean showing the location of the former Mackall property (in red) can be found here. 

"General Hancock's Headquarters, Artillery in Foreground, Camp Griffin." (A special thanks to the staff at the Vermont Historical Society, who graciously agreed to provide me with a copy of this rare photograph from "A Very Fine Appearance": The Vermont Civil War Photographs of George Houghton by Donald H. Wickman) The Mackall  house sits atop Mackall's Hill in the distant background. At the time Houghton took the photograph, several trees were still standing on the rise. Wickman's book identifies the cannon and limber as possibly belonging to Ayres' Battery F, 5th U.S. Artillery.

Although Hancock and his men never saw much action while encamped near Lewinsville, in October 1861 all eyes were turned to Northern Virginia and the possibility of another major clash between the armies. Meanwhile, civilians like Mackall saw their lives and property radically transformed by the advancing troops. Today Mackall's farm is marked by nondescript commercial and residential development. But 152 years ago, a general destined for greatness at Gettysburg looked out from his perch on that same spot and contemplated his next move.

Notes

*Battles of the Mexican War that took place in 1847 during the U.S. campaign to capture Mexico City.
**Minor's Hill is an elevation located a few miles to the southeast of Mackall's Hill in present-day Arlington County.

Sources

Beth Mitchell, Fairfax County in 1860: Property Owners (original map book available at Virginia Room, City of Fairfax Regional Library) ("1860 Map"); N.Y. Times, Oct. 11, 1861; N.Y. Times, Oct. 18, 1861.

Upcoming Civil War Lectures of the McLean Historical Society

As many readers know, I often attend meetings of the McLean Historical Society (MHS) and have even spoken to the group on a couple of occasions.  I recently had the honor of being chosen to serve on the MHS Board of Directors.  Needless to say, I am looking forward to greater involvement with an organization that has done so much to preserve our local history in this part of Northern Virginia.

Under the leadership of Paul Kohlenberger, the MHS has hosted some interesting lectures on Civil War-related subjects, ranging from the Battle of Lewinsville to John S. Mosby's operations in Fairfax.  This spring promises more of the same.  I'd like to inform readers about the following Civil War programs on the MHS calendar:

April 9  Mike Henry, the Fairfax County Park Authority's Director of Colvin Run Mill, will discuss the history of the mill during the Civil War.  (I've written briefly about Colvin Run Mill here.)

April 16  The MHS is sponsoring a special event featuring  Howard Coffin, a preeminent historian on Vermont and the Civil War.  Coffin will speak about soldiers from the Green Mountain State at Camp Griffn.  I've blogged extensively about the camp, which served as quarters for William F. "Baldy" Smith's division from October 1861 to March 1862.  The Vermont Brigade comprised a part of Smith's command.

June 11  Roger Mudd, a long-time McLean resident and award-winning journalist, is presenting a lecture entitled, "Where Exactly IS Ball's Hill?"  The talk will focus on the Civil War experiences of the Ball family.  Mudd now resides on land that once belonged to the Balls.  The lecture promises to offer a fascinating look at civilians impacted by the war in Northern Virginia.

All of these events start at 7:30 and are held at the McLean Community Center, 1234 Ingleside Avenue, McLean, Virginia.  If you live in the area, I'd encourage you to come to one or all of these events. And if you happen to be in town, please feel free to stop by.  I hope to see you there!

McLean Historical Society: Follow-Up on Speaking Engagement

As readers are aware, this past Tuesday I spoke before the McLean Historical Society (MHS) about the Union Army encampments in the McLean area during the first fall and winter of the Civil War.  I am extremely grateful that the MHS invited me to talk about this topic, which has been one of the main focuses of this blog.  All told, around 50 people turned out for the event.  It warmed my heart to see that so many people were interested in learning about the Civil War camps in my part of Northern Virginia.  The audience was not strictly "local" either.  At least one Facebook fan from DC showed up, along with a member of the neighboring Bull Run Civil War Roundtable.

A few people in the crowd were also descendants of families who lived in this area during the mid-19th century.  Dan Smoot's ancestor, Jacob Smoot, owned Salona at the time of the Civil War.  Jacob, a Southern sympathizer, fled Salona with his family and moved to Georgetown.   He was also arrested by Union authorities early in the war.  Gen. "Baldy" Smith used Salona as his divisional headquarters, and the Vermont Brigade encamped on and around the Smoot property.  (The present-day owner of historic Salona was also present).  Doug Mackall is the descendant of William W. Mackall, a Confederate general who lived in the McLean area after the war.  The home of Doug's distant relative, Dr. Richard Mackall, became brigade headquarters for Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock.  The DC area is often viewed as transient, but people like Dan and Doug remind us that some families have deep roots dating back more than 150 years.  Who could have imagined that in 2013 a transplant from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania would be speaking about local citizens who were so deeply affected by the Civil War in front of their very descendants? 

Detail from 1862 Union Army map showing the area where the divisions of "Baldy" Smith and George McCall established Camps Griffin and Pierpont, respectively.  The Mackall and Smoot properties are plainly visible in the center of the map.

The audience engaged in a lively Q&A session, and I also had time to speak one-on-one with some of the attendees following the main event.  A woman from McLean informed me that just the other day she found three Civil War bullets in her yard!  Others told me about some recent relic discoveries on a large plot of land near my house which apparently confirm the existence of a Union Army campsite.  Another attendee alerted me to a book about the experiences of the Comte de Paris, who served on George B. McClellan's staff.  Entitled Voyage en Amérique 1861-1862 : Un prince français dans la guerre de Sécession (2011), the book devotes considerable attention to the Comte's time in Northern Virginia.  I plan to order a copy soon and see what gems I can uncover.  I'll let readers know in future posts. 

This was my second time speaking before the MHS, and I enjoyed every minute of it.  I also walked away with some interesting stories and insights from those who attended.  Thanks to all who came to hear about the camps!

Upcoming Speaking Engagement: Civil War Camps of McLean

I wanted to let readers know that I will be speaking to the McLean Historical Society (MHS) on Tuesday, January 8.  Paul Kohlenberger, the president of that organization, graciously invited me to give a talk on the Civil War encampments in the McLean, Virginia area.  This will be my second speaking engagement before the MHS, and I look forward to sharing what I have learned while researching and writing about Camps Advance, Griffin, and Pierpont.  Camp Advance served as the Union Army's initial foothold in Virginia near Chain Bridge.  Camps Griffin and Pierpont played home to over 20,000 boys in blue from October 1861 to March 1862.  I plan to discuss the origins and locations of these camps.  I will also take a look at life in the camps, including such topics as daily army routine, military reviews, foraging expeditions, distractions and amusements, food and shelter, sickness and hospitals, and the impact on civilians. 

I hope to see you next week in McLean!

Event Details

Where:
McLean Community Center
1234 Ingleside Avenue
McLean, Virginia 22101

Date and Time:
Tuesday, January 8 @ 7:30 pm

The event is free of charge, and no reservations are required. For more information, see here.

"Baldy" Smith's Division and Dranesville

Today marks the 151st anniversary of the Battle of Dranesville.  I've written a few times about this engagement that pitted Gen. E.O.C. Ord's brigade of Pennsylvania Reserves against a smaller force under Gen. Jeb Stuart.  I even authored the lead piece on the battle for the Civil War Trust's website.  Not too long ago historian John Hennessy sent me a period newspaper article that has shed some additional light on the events surrounding the fight at Dranesville.

Ord's men, accompanied by the famed Bucktails and a force of artillery and cavalry, set off from Camp Pierpont in Langley, Virginia during the early morning hours of December 20, 1861.  Gen. George A. McCall, commander of the Pennsylvania Reserves, ordered Gen. John F. Reynold's brigade to follow in support.  Ord ran into Stuart's men at the tiny hamlet of Dranesville, and a brisk fight ensued.  Reynold's troops, who were stopped at Difficult Run along the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike (VA-193), marched towards the battlefield.  Gen. George G. Meade's brigade of Reserves also left Langley and headed down the pike to Dranesville.  Both brigades arrived too late to participate in the fight, which resulted in a Union tactical victory.

The role that Reynolds and Meade played (or did not play) is well known.  Thanks to the article that John Hennessy sent my way, I recently learned that the Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith's division also got involved in the day's events.  Smith's men were quartered for the winter at Camp Griffin, in the same general vicinity as Camp Pierpont (today's McLean, Virginia).  His command included the Vermont Brigade and another brigade under Gen. Winfield S. Hancock.  According to a December 24, 1861 account from a soldier-correspondent of the 6th Vermont:

On Thursday last, Gen. McCall had a fight with some 8000 of the enemy.*  About one o'clock, on that day, our brigade was drawn up, together with Gen. Hancock's brigade, the batteries of [Capt. Thaddeus] Mott and [Capt. Romeyn] Ay[res], also some Maine regiments, for the purpose of proceeding to the scene of action and if possible to flank the enemy on their retreat. ** We marched at a rapid pace some ten or twelve miles in the vicinity of Hunter's Mills and Drainsville [sic], but come to a sudden halt on account of a bridge being burnt.  All we had to do was to "about face" and march back, reaching camp a little before eight, tired enough to rest.  The next morning at four we were tramped out on picket. ("A March," Vermont Journal (Windsor), Jan. 4, 1862, courtesy of John Hennessy.)

This article intrigued me, as I didn't recall coming across any references to Smith's men playing a role, however remote, in the engagement at Dranesville.  I at once searched for additional references and found a letter that Corporal Dan Mason, Co. D, 6th Vermont sent to his fiancee, Harriet B. Clark.  The facts in this correspondence closely track the details from the Vermont Journal article.  On December 27, 1861, Mason wrote:

I dare say you have heard of the battle at Drainsville a few days since We heard the firing from our camp. Gen McCalls division of Penn soldiers went out in the morning on a foraging & scouting expedition (this Div is encamped about a mile north of our camp) Our division started about 2 oclock P M. to assist them if nessessary We marched 12 miles we came to a branch of the Potomac the rebels had burned the bridge so that we were compelled to face about & march homeward the boys were in the best of spirits until the order to about face came. that made them look disappointed quite a number fell out by the way & were picked up the ambulances which follow an army to pick up those that are wounded or sick & are not able to march. . . . (spelling and grammar as in original; courtesy of Vermont Historical Society, On-Line Collection of Dan Mason Letters.)

Co. D, 6th Vermont Volunteer Infantry at Camp Griffin (courtesy of Library of Congress)

Both of these accounts explain that the march to Dranesville was interrupted when Smith's men stumbled upon a destroyed bridge.  Given that the Pennsylvania Reserves moved freely back and forth along the Leesburg-Georgetown Turnpike, including the portion that crosses the Potomac tributary of Difficult Run, it appears that Smith's men took a different route towards Dranesville.  Their line of march towards Dranesville may have continued due west from Camp Griffin (today's McLean) in the direction of Hunter's Mills, or could have turned northwest onto the Leesburg-Alexandria Turnpike (current VA-7).  Both routes passed over creeks, and Confederate soldiers may very well have burned the bridge at any of the crossings.  (For a detailed map, see here.)

The mobilization of Smith's men on the afternoon of December 20 makes sense.  A fight had erupted at Dranesville between a Union brigade and a Confederate force of unknown size.  As word reached the camps around Langley, Smith took action to render assistance to the Pennsylvania Reserves.  Of course, Ord beat Stuart without needing help from other brigades.  In any event, Smith's men were blocked at the site of a burned down bridge, and it is unclear how much they could have contributed that day.

Notes

*The Battle of Dranesville occurred on a Friday, not a Thursday.  The correspondent greatly exaggerated the size of Stuart's force, which consisted of 1,600 infantry, 150 cavalry, and a four-gun battery of artillery.  (OR, 1:5, 490.)
**"Our brigade" means the Vermont Brigade.  Two Maine regiments --the 6th and 7th Maine-- belonged to Smith's division. The 6th Maine was part of Hancock's brigade.  (See George B. McClellan, Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (1864).)

The Johnston Family and Benvenue: A Story of Civilians and the War in Northern Virginia, Part II

A couple weeks ago I wrote about a family who lived in my neck of the woods during the Civil War.  John R. Johnston purchased the 198-acre property known as "Benvenue" in 1858.  Within a few years, sectional tensions began to mount in Northern Virginia.  Johnston voted for the Ordinance of Secession in May 1861, but was anything but a Southern firebrand.  He explained to his wife that he felt pressured to vote for secession because he feared what would happen to him if he were viewed as pro-Union.  As the contending armies mobilized, Johnston largely kept to himself and tried to avoid the conflict swirling about him.  Like so many other civilians in Fairfax County, however, Johnston would soon get caught in the tempest of war.

Since the start of September 1861, the Union division of Gen. William F. "Baldy" Smith had been encamped on the Virginia side of the Chain Bridge, only a few miles from Johnston's farm.  On October 9, 1861, Smith pushed his men westward through Langley and occupied the area around Lewinsville.  The Pennsylvania Reserves under Gen. George A. McCall crossed the river at Chain Bridge on the same day and marched to Langley.  Johnston's property sat right in the middle of the Union Army's advance.
 

Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock (courtesy of Old Pictures)

Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock commanded a brigade in Smith's division.*  As Hancock's men set up their camp, Johnston's home was seized for use as a hospital.  On October 10, Alfred Castleman, the surgeon of the 5th Wisconsin, noted in his diary:

We have had much trouble and vexation to-day in establishing medical headquarters for the regiments of our brigade, but after much ordering of us and changing of orders, we are at last to take charge of the stone house of Mr. Jno. N. Johnson, in which, and in the tents we are able to pitch, we hope to make comfortable all the sick of our brigade.  (Castleman 41-42.)**

J. Harry Thompson, the surgeon of the 43rd New York, later recalled:

The house of Mr. John R. Johnston was taken as a hospital and devoted with all its furniture, beds, bedding, carpets, linens, towling, kitchen and other utensils and all the material usually appertaining to a household to the care of the sick and wounded of General Hancock's brigade and in fact of Gen. Wm. F. Smith's division. . . . (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC file, 68.)

Alfred Castleman, surgeon of the 5th Wisconsin (courtesy of Wisconsin Historical Society)

A soldier-correspondent from the 49th Pennsylvania mentioned Johnston's house in a letter to his hometown paper:  "We occupy a fine country residence for Hospital purposes, which affords accommodation for 75 patients."  (Lancaster Daily Express, Dec. 17, 1861.)***   According to some sources, male nurses lived in a board and batten cottage behind the stone house.  (Hatch 87; Herrick 18.)  This building still stands today on the Benvenue property along Churchill Road in McLean. 

Around the same time the Union Army was converting his home into a field hospital, Johnston saw his farmland occupied by thousands of Union soldiers.  The Bucktails of McCall's division were some of the first men to arrive.  (S. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44.)  Their encampment formed a portion of the Pennsylvania Reserves' Camp Pierpont.  The 5th Wisconsin and 43rd New York from Hancock's brigade also established their camp at Benvenue.  (J.D. Crocker Test., Johnston SCC File, 28; S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44; J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 62.)  The 6th Maine and 49th Pennsylvania -- the other two regiments in Hancock's brigade -- may likewise have encamped on Johnston's farm, although the evidence is less certain.  (J.D. Crocker Test., Johnston SCC File, 28; S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43-44.)****  The regimental camps of Hancock's brigade belonged to Camp Griffin of Smith's division.

Sometime in October 1861 Johnston moved his wife and three children to the safety and security of Georgetown, D.C.  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 13.)  The exact timing is uncertain given contradictory accounts in the Southern Claims Commission (SCC) file.  Surgeon Thompson indicates that Johnston's wife and children went to Georgetown only after their house was taken for use as a hospital.  (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 63.)   According to testimony from a neighbor, however, Marcia Johnston only learned that the Union Army was advancing during the course of her flight to Georgetown.  (J. Burke Test., Johnston SCC File, 38.)  In any event, her husband remained behind on the farm.  The Union Army permitted him to travel "at his pleasure" to Georgetown, and Johnston visited his family about once every two weeks.  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 16.)*****

The presence of so many Union soldiers had a devastating impact on Johnston's farm.  Potatoes and cabbage disappeared not long after the troops arrived.  Looking for an alternative to salt pork and hardtack, the solders also shot and skinned all of Johnston's pigs.  Teams of soldiers cut down acres of timber and ripped apart fencing.  They hauled the wood away by the wagon load for use in campfires and the construction of huts.  The soldiers also took all of Johnston's hay and corn to feed to their horses and mules.

The old stone farmhouse likewise sustained damage.  Thompson remembered that by the time Hancock's brigade left several months later, the house was "to all intents and purposes, practically destroyed."  (J.H. Thompson Test., Johnston SCC File, 68.)  The soldiers even left inscriptions on the attic rafters that are still visible to this day.

For all the destruction going on around him, Johnston apparently remained on good terms with the Union soldiers.  His wife remembered that "[s]oon as the Union troops came, he became their friend and they treated him kindly."  (M. Johnston Test., Johnston SCC File, 19.)  Union officers even traveled to Georgetown with Johnston.  Castleman considered Johnston "a loyalist."  (Castleman 42.)  The surgeon made the doubtful claim that "every article [Johnston] had to dispose of was bought and paid for, at high prices, by the soldiers."  (Castleman 42.)  In fact, Johnston was told to get receipts for the property if he wanted to get paid, and his farm manager later testified that Johnston was not paid compensation at the time.  (S.J. Merchant Test., Johnston SCC File, 43.)

Johnston gained some name recognition on the Northern homefront.  A rise on the backside of his farm was known as "Johnston's Hill."  The Union soldiers encamped near Langley and Lewinsville, including the Pennsylvania Reserves and the Vermont Brigade, often held military reviews and parades on the flat ground in front of the hill.******  The name "Johnston's Hill" appeared frequently in news stories about the camps.  In one account, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin reviewed the Pennsylvania Reserves at Johnston's Hill following their victory at Dranesville in December 1861.  (Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861.)

The Union soldiers remained on Johnston's farm throughout the winter of 1861-62.  On March 10, 1862, Gen. George B. McClellan set the Army of the Potomac in motion upon receiving intelligence that the Confederates had evacuated their position around Centreville.  The Pennsylvania Reserves and Smith's Division struck camp and joined the army's general movement to the west.

Johnston surely breathed a sigh of relief as tens of thousands of Federal troops marched away from his farm and neighborhood.  Other Union soldiers would later pass through the area or perform picket duty there, but Johnston never again saw massive encampments like those he experienced during the first winter of the war.  In early September 1862, units from Gen. Franz Sigel's corps took hay and potatoes from Johnston's farm and provided him with the receipts to prove it.  (Receipt, Co. K, 1st Ohio Light Artillery & Receipt, 68th N.Y., Johnston SCC File, 3-4.)

In November 1862 Johnston finally went to Georgetown to join his family.  He died three weeks later, on December 11, at the young age of thirty-five.  (The cause of death is unknown.)  Johnston was buried in Oak Hill Cemetery in Georgetown.  Johnston's widow only returned to Benvenue in the summer of 1865, where she saw first-hand the dramatic impact that the war had on her family's farm.

Several years after the Civil War, Marcia Johnston filed a claim with the SCC in the amount of $5,754.  She even claimed $120 for rent of Benvenue as a hospital between October 1861 and March 1862.  Unfortunately, the Commissioners found "no sufficient justification" for Johnston's vote in support of secession despite evidence of his loyalty, and the claim was denied.  (Johnston SCC File, 73.)

Johnston's tale resonates with me on a personal level.  After all, I live on the very land that used to belong to his farm, and Benvenue is a short walk away.  But Johnston's story also has a relevance that extends beyond the immediate community of McLean.  Civilians in Fairfax County and elsewhere in Northern Virginia (or elsewhere in the South, for that matter) saw their lives transformed directly by the presence of the armies.  Johnston was one of those ordinary citizens who suffered through extraordinary times.  As a young man, he had purchased a new farm near Langley and set out to improve his lot.  Johnston surely had hopes and dreams for the future.  A few short years later, the forces of war descended on Johnston's property, disrupted his livelihood, deprived him of privacy, and upended his family life.  We are reminded that war was hell of a different kind for civilians, but hell nonetheless.

Notes

*Hancock's brigade originally consisted of the 5th Wisconsin, 43rd New York, 47th Pennsylvania, and 49th Pennsylvania.  At some point in the fall of 1861, the 47th Pennsylvania was replaced by the 6th Maine.  (Jordan 36-37; McClellan 455.)

**Castleman misspelled Johnston's name and also used the wrong middle initial.

***A special thanks to John Hennessy, who sent me a copy of this article. 

****Jonathan D. Crocker, one of Johnston's neighbors, testified to the SCC that aside from the 5th Wisconsin, "a Penna. and a New York regiment were camped" on Johnston's farm, along with "some batteries."  According to Crocker, all of these units were from Hancock's brigade.  Other testimony confirms that the New York regiment was likely the 43rd New York.  The Pennsylvania Regiment could have been the 49th Pennsylvania, or less likely, the 47th Pennsylvania before its transfer to another brigade in Smith's division.  Samuel J. Merchant, Johnston's farm manager, testified that aside from the Bucktails and the 43rd New York, the "9th Penna." and "a Maine regiment" camped on the Johnston farm.  He later referred to the "9th Penna." and the "5th Maine" as part of Hancock's brigade.  The "9th Penna." likely means the 49th Pennsylvania; the 9th Pennsylvania was not part of Hancock's brigade.  An alternative theory is that the 9th Penna. was the 9th Pennsylvania Reserves of McCall's division.  Moreover, there was no 5th Maine under Hancock. Instead, Merchant must have meant the 6th Maine or even the 5th Wisconsin.  Merchant's testimony was taken in 1877, so his recollection of the exact regiments may have been flawed due to the passage of time.

*****It is unclear whether Johnston resided in the main house on his property or in some other structure.

******Johnston's Hill is located along and to the east of the upper part of Pine Hill Road in McLean.  The parade ground was roughly located on the site of the present-day Madison of McLean townhouse community along Madison McLean Dr. off of Rt. 123. (See here for a map.)  I plan to explore the story of the parade ground in a future post.

Sources

Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac, Behind the Scenes: A Diary of Unwritten History (1863); Winslow R. Hatch, Old Roads and New Insights: Adventures in Discovery (1985); Carole L. Herrick, Images of America: McLean (2011); Historical Marker Database, "Benvenue;" "John Richards Johnston," at findagrave.com; David M. Jordan, Winfield Scott Hancock: A Soldier's Life (1988); Lancaster Daily Express, Dec. 17, 1861; George B. McClellan, Report on the Organization and Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (1864); Phila. Press, Dec. 14, 1861; Phila. Press, Dec. 30, 1861; Southern Claims Commission File for Marcia Johnston, #22121, available at fold3.com ("Johnston SCC File"); J.R. Sypher, History of the Pennsylvania Reserves Corps (1865); Wisconsin Historical Society, "Alfred Lewis Castleman," Dictionary of Wisconsin History.

The Future of Salona: Preserving a Local Civil War Site

This past Thursday the Salona Task Force held a public meeting on the future of the historic Salona property in McLean, Virginia.  By my own estimate, a few hundred interested citizens came to the event at the McLean Community Center.  The meeting gave the Task Force the opportunity to showcase various proposals for the development of the site and to solicit feedback from the community.

Readers may recall that the Salona house was the site of Union General William F. "Baldy" Smith's headquarters from October 1861 to March 1862.  Regiments from the Vermont Brigade of Smith's division stayed on the surrounding land, which was part of Camp Griffin.  And the property's historic significance is not limited to the Civil War.  President James Madison likely spent the night at Salona when the British attacked and burned Washington during the War of 1812. 

Fairfax County acquired a perpetual conservation easement on a 41.5-acre section of Salona in 2005.  The easement protects the historic property, while at the same time permitting limited recreational use on ten acres.  A couple of years ago, the county released a draft master plan for Salona.  This document tried to be all things to all people.  The proposed plan called for two rectangular athletic fields, a 100-space parking lot, a dog park, a playground, a picnic area, educational and environmental features, historical interpretation, and trails.

The Salona house, adjacent to the proposed park land.  The 7.8-acre residential core of Salona is protected by a perpetual easement granted to the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors in 1971.  Salona is listed on the National Register of Historic Places and the Virginia Landmarks Register.

A photograph of Salona by George Houghton, taken when the house was being used as Baldy Smith's headquarters (courtesy of Vermont Historical Society).

 

A view of the meadowland at Salona from Rt. 123.

Not surprisingly, in 2011 Fairfax decided to kick the issue to a Task Force, which was charged with reaching out to the community and developing recommendations for the park.  The Task Force includes representatives from every conceivable interest connected with Salona.  Members hail from the McLean Citizens Associations, McLean Youth Athletics, the Greater McLean Chamber of Commerce, the Fairfax County History Commission, the Northern Virginia Conservation Trust, the conservation grantors (DuVal family), and the surrounding neighborhood.

A Fairfax County historical marker on Salona was installed in 2010.  (See here for more information.)

The Task Force has an unenviable job.  A split has developed in the community between the local youth sports movement and preservation-minded citizens.  The proponents of the athletic fields apparently have gained quite a following.  In fact, their on-line petition has garnered nearly 1,200 signatures.  At the public meeting the other day, the soccer dads and moms came out in full force with their uniform-clad children in tow.

Granted, McLean's population is growing, and kids need a place to play sports.  However, Salona is not the place for athletic fields (or dog parks, for that matter).  The property is one of the last surviving parcels of open land in McLean.  The meadows fronting Rt. 123 look much like they did 150 years ago.  The historic home sits nearby.  The conservation easement represents a tremendous opportunity for the county to prevent the disappearance of a historically significant piece of land. 

Any plans for Salona must preserve the sense of place that makes the property so special.  Walking in the new Salona park should carry visitors to another time and allow for an exploration of the site's storied past.  Two athletic fields and a large parking lot would do anything but that.  Some critics likely see no point in preserving old meadows.  But that argument misses the point.  Preservation goes beyond just protecting an important structure like the Salona house, but takes into account historic viewsheds.  The scenic features at Salona are an integral component of the property from a historical standpoint; the county's final plans should respect and maintain that landscape.

At Thursday's meeting, the Task Force took a unique approach to educating the public about the possible uses for Salona.  Each room at the community center featured exhibits on a variety of proposals for the park's development.  Task Force members and community groups were on hand to discuss these options with the public.  Attendees also had the opportunity to complete opinion forms that the Task Force will use when assessing the community's views. 

If anything, the meeting demonstrated that historic preservation goals can work hand-in-hand with some of the proposed plans for Salona.  The Fairfax County Public Schools, for example, would like to use Salona as a living classroom for science and history education.  One firm has proposed the construction of a multi-purpose building using the latest in green technology.  The small, discrete structure, which would resemble a farm outbuilding, could function like a museum on the history of Salona.  Interpretive trails installed across the property make sense, as do occasional living history encampments.  Other ideas, such as developing a self-sustaining farm at Salona, seem a bit of a stretch.  And the proposed athletic fields, although technically consistent with the terms of the easement, run counter to the spirit of properly honoring Salona's past.  Overall, however, the community's use and enjoyment of Salona need not be at odds with historic preservation.

The ball is now in the Task Force's court to make the appropriate recommendations for Salona.  Following Thursday's meeting, and months of input from community groups, the Task Force is well positioned to find a solution, however difficult that may be.  Members are well aware of the need to develop Salona in a way that comports with the property's historical significance.  Doing the right thing may not be popular with everyone, but Salona's future depends ultimately on our respect for the past.